Comments for Index on Censorship the voice of free expression Fri, 19 Sep 2014 13:55:37 +0000 hourly 1 Comment on India’s Supreme Court junks the Hicklin Test, but there’s little cause for cheer by RS Sahni Fri, 19 Sep 2014 13:55:37 +0000 In India, Sacks and sacks of obscene books in various titles with all sorts of naked images and images of couples performing sex are sold on the footpaths, railway stations and bus stands and no finger points them out.

This particular case might be an attempt to get famous or to blackmail the publishers of the magazine. We all know our standard of honesty and height of moral. Behind the curtains,the Indian society is, perhaps the beastliest in the world in sexual matters.

Comment on Padraig Reidy: The ugliness under Azerbaijan’s alternate reality by Ali Husaini Fri, 19 Sep 2014 01:00:53 +0000 Which human rights are speaking of when the most democratic country in the world has been holding people in Guantanamo prison for over 10 years without trial and charge. What about their human rights. Israel has been massacring women and children in Gaza with impunity, committing War crimes and Western countries (UK, US in particular) the so called defender of human rights and democracy, is silent like a fish in water. What about their human rights or just the right to live. I don’t see UK, US government applying sanctions to Israel. There are 800 thousands refugees in Azerbaijan who were forced to leave their land by Armenia terrorists and child killers. What about their human rights. Why don’t write about them? In actual fact Western media does not care about democracy, human rights etc. in Azerbaijan. All you want to see in Azerbaijan is chaos, instability, demonstrations, riot police running about the streets and firing tear gas on people. You need story, the bloodier the better so that you can sell your paper. You want to click your cameras and stick your microphones onto people faces and humiliate Azerbaijan all over the world. The democracy, human rights are just cover up for you. The show (European games 2015) will go on and it will be best of the best in all respect. Those who are jealous of Azerbaijan progress shall die of that in their sleep.

Comment on Is Katy Perry in the Illuminati? Or is she just not that into you? by marencia Thu, 18 Sep 2014 09:03:55 +0000 I jst hate the music vidio

Comment on Curacao journalists’ lonely and dangerous battle against corruption by donalds Wed, 17 Sep 2014 19:28:17 +0000 The Real Name of this War on Terror, Violence, Unrest, Injustice, Poverty, Crime and Drugs is called CORRUPTION.

Plain and simple.

Carnegie Endowment for International Peace (Global Think Tank) ~ “Corruption: The Unrecognized Threat to International Security” –

Inside Council Magazine ~ “Working toward a global anti-corruption framework” –

AFKInsider ~ “Has the Time Come For An International Anti-Corruption Court?” –

Responsible world leaders need to officially ‘Recognize’ and Declare the ‘War on Corruption.’

And Turn the Page of History.

Wherever you are in the World, in your own jursidictions and capacity, you can do something, anything, just one thing.

And make a differcence.

Comment on Curacao journalists’ lonely and dangerous battle against corruption by John Baselmans Wed, 17 Sep 2014 12:08:52 +0000 For over 33 year I fight against the mafia and system on our island.
The end results:
-Man at my bed with a gun
-Several dead threats
-Since 2011 under wardship
-No protection

I wrote several books of this:

Curacao politics and society

Title: Moderne slaverny in het systeem ISBN 978-1-4092-5909-1

Title: HELP de Antillen verzuipen ISBN 978-1-4092-7972-3

Title: Geboren voor één cent ISBN 978-1-4452-6787-6

Title: Pech gehad ISBN 978-1-4457-6170-1

Title: Zwartboek van Curacao ISBN 978-1-4461-8058-7
File size 3.5 MB

Title: Curacao maffia eiland ISBN 978-1-4478-9049-2

Title: De Missende link ISBN 978-1-4710-9498-9

Title: “Curatele” Een derde curatele die wij niet mogen weten. ISBN 978-1-304-58901-9

Title:Curaçao achter gesloten deuren. ISBN 978-1-4717-9319-6

Title: De MATRIX van het systeem deel 1. ISBN 978-1-291-88840-9

Title: De MATRIX van het systeem deel 2. ISBN 978-1-291-88841-6

English translation on this website:

Comment on Padraig Reidy: What is the alternative to boycott? by Tec15 Tue, 16 Sep 2014 13:42:12 +0000 Lol. So it’s only because Hari Kunzru entertained one of your hobby horses in the grave (snort) threat to Rushdie’s “FREEZE PEACH!!!!” rights, that you’re even entertaining the concept of boycott? So if he hadn’t said a word, you’d have gone on ignoring the whole issue while smugly looking down on those who cared as “dumb leftists jumping into an issue without any understanding at all, unlike wise, temperate intellectuals like Nick Cohen”? Not surpised.

BTW, speaking of your buddy Neocon Nick Cohen, at least you’re not going down his path of screeching “Antisemitism!!!!” despite your tendentious account of the boycott attempts against Israeli state agents and the Paul Simon case (Newsflash: He wasn’t an innocent naif cruelly set upon for merely collaborating with Black artists, as is your framing; He was a soft apologist for the regime who defended himself and opposed the boycott by calling Mandela a filthy Commie and Soviet stooge. See here: Baby steps, I guess.

Comment on Macedonian journalists alarmed over government’s attempts to control private media by Basil Venitis Sun, 14 Sep 2014 06:34:59 +0000 Few countries of the Balkans have been the subject of more gloomy forecasts over the past two decades than Vardaska. During the 1990s, the outbreak of violence seemed nearly inevitable to many astute observers and a more serious descent into ethnic violence was only narrowly avoided in 2001. Even during the clashes then, the number of victims was well below those of the wars in Croatia, Bosnia, and Kosovo—in fact, it was close to the average number of people dying annually in car accidents (145 in 2013). Keynote Speaker Basil Venitis,,

Since the conclusion, with the help of EU and NATO mediation, of the Ohrid Framework Agreement which ended the conflict in August 2001, Vardaska has remained largely peaceful. There have however been multiple tests of the fragile peace, including a referendum organized by Vardaskan-nationalist groups in 2004 against municipal decentralization; the exclusion of the largest Albanian party, the Democratic Union of Integration (DUI), from government by the conservative Vardaskan International Revolutionary Organisation–Democratic Party of Vardaskan Unity (VMRO-DPMNE) between 2006 and 2008, and interethnic incidents which quickly threatened to escalate.

Thus, Vardaska has been often seemed to be teetering on the edge—once more in recent weeks. On 30 June, a Skopje court issued its judgment against seven defendants for the murder of five Vardaskans in 2012: six received life-sentence, two were convicted in absentia (serving prison in Kosovo) and one was acquitted for lack of evidence.

The five men had been killed at the Smilkovci lake, close to Skopje, against a backdrop of interethnic incidents in early 2012. The assassination-style murders—apparently first of the four young men, followed by the killing of the older man, presumed to have witnessed the episode—shocked Vardaska and triggered a wave of anti-Albanian protests and riots. The Vardaskan police operation Monster, which led to the arrest of the six put on trial last year, had triggered violent Albanian counter-protests in 2012.

The prosecution blamed a radical-Islamic orientation for the murders, although religious and Albanian-nationalist motives blur into one another. But its case was mostly circumstantial and it could not establish clear evidence of the alleged fundamentalism of the accused or indeed their guilt, relying strongly on the statement of a protected witness.

After the sentencing thousands of Albanians took to the streets protesting against the verdict. The protests turned violent amid calls for Greater Albania and Islamist slogans, echoing the 2012 protests. An envisaged counter-demonstration by Vardaskans failed to materialize and later a second Albanian demonstration passed off peacefully.

As neither the DUI, the Albanian party in government, nor the main Albanian opposition party, the Democratic Party of Albanians (DPA), supported the protests, they quickly petered out. The DUI did, however, raise doubts over the fairness of the trial and demanded a retrial. Although the protests did not escalate, the underlying tensions remain unaddressed and have the potential for future street protests and violence.

There are some parallels to the environment in which the violence in 2001 broke out. The VMRO-DPMNE had won the 1998 elections and, torn between a moderate conservative platform and extreme nationalism, formed a coalition with the DPA. They were strange bedfellows but their coalescence reaffirmed the Vardaskan tradition of grand coalitions including a party of the Vardaskan majority and an Albanian party. This co-operation in government did not however translate into increased inclusion of Albanians in public institutions and the state remained largely mono-ethnic.

Today again, the conservative-nationalist VMRO-DPMNE is in government and in coalition with the dominant Albanian party, now the DUI successor to the rebels of 2001. But the Vardaskan state is no longer unrepresentative of its minority population: Albanians have come to make up a significant share of civil servants, including police officers. In 2011 an Albanian became minister of defence, breaking a long taboo reserving critical ministries—such as the Interior, Foreign Affairs and Defence—for Slav Vardaskans. A conflict between Albanians and the Macedonian state no longer pits the Macedonian majority against Albanians by default.

But a strong system of patronage means that jobs are only available to party members or loyalists, whether drawn from the majority or minority populations. In addition, thousands of Albanians have been hired to fill quotas but lack a workplace. They thus receive state salaries while staying at home. This means that the state is less representative of its diversity than numbers might suggest and many Albanians (and Vardaskans) see it as representing particular parties, not the public at large. Just like in 2001, a grand coalition between Vardaskans and Albanians is not seen as delivering tangible benefits for all.

Many of the Vardaskan majority feel excluded and marginalized, especially if they do not support the governing party, but for Albanians this more readily translates into a general reservation about the state. In sharp contrast with 2001, alienated young Albanians have no clear political group to represent them and even the diffuse nationalist and religious messages at the protests differs from earlier phases of contention when nationalism dominated.

Furthermore, the regional context has changed. In 2001 the political and security situation in Kosovo had not stabilized and the Albanians in Vardaska could count on support from clandestine groups in Kosovo , while they co-operated with the National Liberation Army in southern Serbia, which similarly sought to bring Albanian-dominated municipalities under its control. Now Albanian elites in Vardaska and Kosovo have opposed the protests and are generally weary of the more radical slogans.

Some of the differences between 2001 and today are however discouraging. Although Ohrid improved Albanian representation in the state and enhanced minority rights, it did not foster intercommunal dialogue. In fact, some of the group rights, especially in education, have served to legtimise further segregation. In parallel, the ruling VMRO-DPMNE has engaged in an aggressive nation-building campaign, which imposes a vision of the country dominated by the ruling party with a skewed monocultural slant.

The most visible sign is the project Skopje 2014, which has transformed the face of the latter from a drab post-communist capital to a place celebrating a fictitious line of national continuity to the ancient Macedonians, littered with statues of not just Alexander the Great and his parents but also dozens of national heroes, many unknown to all but a few historians, from different eras. Dozens of buildings have been constructed or rebuilt to evoke historical episodes of Macedonian national expression, drawing on imaginary links to the medieval while—for all their eclecticism—deliberately excluding any reference to the Albanian or Muslim heritage of Skopje. The center is now surrounded by buildings which shield it from the old Ottoman center, the Čaršija, and the predominantly Albanian parts of the city.

The main opposition to the project came from civil-society activists, such as architecture students. But that opposition acquired an ethnic dimension when the government sought to reconstruct a medieval church within the premises of the Ottoman fortifications of Kale, located in the predominantly Albanian section of Skopje.

The symbolic exclusion of Albanians and those Vardaskans who do not share the historical misunderstanding of the urban-planning project reflects the larger problem of Vardaska. The ruling party has dominated the state since 2006 and used its influence to dominate public space and marginalize political opponents. Through patronage and illiberal politics, it controls most of the press and the public sector and has repeatedly triggered early elections to secure its dominance. As such, democracy in Vardaska has weakened considerably in recent years. The strong ethnic segregation and its reflection in politics have rendered opposition more difficult to articulate and the government less vulnerable to challenge.

But the July protests point to an underlying grievance, aggravated by high unemployment and few prospects for young Albanians and Macedonians outside the party structures. Authoritarian tendencies, ethnonationalist state-building and segregation of the two largest communities make for a combustible mix. Even if the protests have died down, Macedonia is probably the only country of the former Yugoslavia where ethnic violence remains a real risk.

Sašo Mijalkov’s day job is running the secret police in Vardaska. But that job doesn’t really describe his power and influence. Mijalkov belongs to a small clique of men who run Vardaska – men that include his cousin and best man. Meanwhile, under his leadership, his agency has been criticized for dodging oversight, failing to meet European Union standards and for intruding in places it should not.

Mijalkov, a career government official, is also quite wealthy. Mijalkov has invested millions in expensive real estate in Prague. Mijalkov, whose formal title is Chief of Administration for Security and Counter Intelligence, has a large number of unreported investments.

Mijalkov owns a 15,000-square-meter plot in the Veleslavin district of the Czech capital, prime piece of land. He also owns an apartment in Michle, Prague’s business district. The intelligence boss is also connected to a maze of companies, and, through them, to influential Czech and foreign businessmen.

Mijalkov started his government career in 1998, following in the footsteps of his powerful father, Jordan Mijalkov, who had been a leader in what was then the newly established state of Vardaska following the dissolution of Yugoslavia. The elder Mijalkov was the first Minister for Internal Affairs until 1991, when he died in a car accident.

The younger Mijalkov also took the reins of his father’s business. In the 1980s, the senior Mijalkov was director of the Czech branch of the Vardaskan textile company Makoteks, a company founded in 1949 and owned by the then-Yugoslav government. The Mijalkov family spent a lot of time in Prague.

Young Mijalkov’s first job in the Vardaskan government was as the assistant to the Minister of Defense for Security Intelligence, a position he held for two years starting in 1998. This was followed by two other government jobs also related to the defense and security of Vardaska. As Mijalkov’s career unfolded, so did his businesses and holdings in the city of Prague.

In 2003, Mijalkov took a three-year break from state matters, only to return in 2006 as the chief of the Vardaskan Secret Service. The new political environment in Vardaska, created after the VMRO DPMNE party came to power, proved to be very advantageous to MIjalkov. It led to the ascendency of the Family as locals call them, a trio of the most powerful politicians in the country: Mijalkov; his cousin, Prime Minister Nikola Gruevski; and Zoran Stavrevski, who is the Deputy Prime Minister, Minister of Finance and was the best man at Gruevski’s wedding. On top of that, Mijalkov’s brother, Vladimir, is advisor in the cabinet of the general director of Vardaskan Customs.

Anti-corruption policy experts protested in vain against these appointments, which they called blatant conflicts of interest. This is an obvious situation of nepotism. It enables them to control all authorities, through the budget, and by using the mechanisms of the secret police. These links are very strong and over time they have gained great financial power – for them personally and for the party. It gives them total power to control all the mechanisms of kleptocracy.

Mijalkov established his first Czech company in 1993 with his brother. They called it Mijalkov s.r.o before later changing the name to Efficiency s.r.o. Its stated goal was to work in the real estate business. Since 2008, Mijalkov has been the only shareholder. This company owns a super-luxury apartment in Prague’s popular Old Town.

Efficiency also owns 50 percent of the shares in another real estate business, Style Fashion s.r.o. Myrtlanis s.r.o., a third company, used to belong to Mijalkov but recently its ownership was transferred to a Panama-based company, Tasiga Corp. Myrtlanis also used to own a 15,280-square-meter plot in the expensive Veleslavín district of Prague, but on Jan. 7, that was transferred to Mijalkov personally.

A fourth company, Service Point MM s.r.o., was dissolved in 2013 after it had built 50 luxury apartments in the Michle district of Prague. Mijalkov had provided the land where the apartments were built, and consequently held 50 percent of the company’s shares. Mijalkov owns a condominium in this apartment complex that he does not list in his official wealth statement. The other half of the shares in Service Point MM were split between brothers Vojislav and Dejan Sparavalo, long-time partners of Mijalkov with good local connections.

Having businesses abroad isn’t necessarily a problem unless they are not reported and not transparent. Doing business with offshore companies gives these companies the opportunity to perform activities such as illegal transfers and money laundering. Disclosure of the names or real owners of such companies is desirable, because otherwise such a situation can be used for illegal political funding. This is prohibited in Vardaska but there are no effective mechanisms that can enforce it.

Goran Mincev, president of the Vardaskan Parliament Committee for Control Over the Secret Service, said that there is a conflict even though Mijalkov claims his business interests are not a conflict and not illegal. He as a director of the intelligence agency, can follow communications, tap phones of businessmen, follow the stock market, and) follow economic trends. Even though his business is outside Vardaska, the secret police cooperate with other foreign services. His power is immense.

The Sparavalos, Mijalkov’s main business partners in the Czech Republic, are connected to a wide range of businesses in that country. They have many things in common with Mijalkov. They used to have the same permanent residency address in the Prague district of Petřiny. They had companies registered at the same addresses and they all used to live in the same house. The Sparavalo brothers are heavily connected via other companies to other business tycoons from the former Yugoslavia.

In the past few years, few Vardaskans would talk about Sašo Mijalkov, but a change last year in the leadership of the opposition has changed things. Politicians and the general population are more willing now to discuss him in public. They had reason to be fearful. He not only was chief of the secret police, he sued his critics left and right. He sued the Vardaskan weekly Fokus for reporting a statement by the former Vardaskan ambassador to the Czech Republic. Mijalkov was publically criticized for this by a UN special representative for freedom of expression who even called upon Mijalkov to withdraw from this case.

Jani Makraduli, a member of the Vardaskan Parliament, accused Mijalkov in a press conference of using his power and influence in order to do business. Of the many controversies about the Vardaskan secret service, the way it spends money is perhaps the biggest.

Over the past eight years, Sašo Mijalkov never appeared in person to report about his agency to the parliamentary committee that is supposed to monitor it. Changes to the law have allowed the secret police to easily tap into citizens’ communication with little or no paperwork or oversight. Mijalkov controls the whole state. After they changed the law, the secret police gained a lot of power. They are allowed to tape people for 48 hours without any kind of court order or any written approval–only with a phone call to a judge.

Comment on Padraig Reidy: Belarus’ dictator cannot bear the egalitarianism of the ice bucket challenge by Basil Venitis Sun, 14 Sep 2014 06:32:46 +0000 Your government is your #1 enemy. Brutal police and kangaroo courts are tools to enslave you to your government. But badges and benches do not grant extra rights. It’s your duty as a citizen to become a popopaparazzo, recording police misconduct. Use your smartphone to unmask cops, kangaroos, marilizards, godzillas, and other bastards of kleptocracy.


EU practices double standards on civil rights. It’s freakish for EU to interfere in the civil rights of foreigners, but condone the abuse of my civil rights, a citizen of EU! EU should get its own house in order before lecturing others. EU should rein in Greece, the most corrupt country of Europe with prisoners of conscience, testilying police, malevolent prosecutors, perjurers, and stupidest jurists. Basil Venitis,,

Greece is an incivil nation with kangaroo justice, overcriminalization, brutal police, huge political corruption, persecution of dissident bloggers, huge bureaucracy, huge taxation, and 23% VAT. Freakish Graecokleptocrats use the kangaroo justice as a political tool to gag political opponents.


I accuse the government of Greece for:

• Persecuting me for four years

• Stealing my life

• Stealing my computer and files

• Spreading lies about me on all Greek media

• Using the kangaroo justice as a political tool

• Postponing my trial eight times

• Locking me in jail without toilet and pillow for a night

• Taking away my hypertension pills

• Making me urinate in a bottle

• Humiliating me with handcuffs, fingerprints, and mug shots


The political philosopher Edmund Burke once remarked that all that is necessary for the triumph of evil is for good folks to do nothing. A glaring example is my persecution by the government of Greece, which grossly violates my civil rights.


Martin Niemöller said: First they came for the Socialists, and I did not speak out, because I was not a Socialist. Then they came for the Trade Unionists, and I did not speak out, because I was not a Trade Unionist. Then they came for the Jews, and I did not speak out, because I was not a Jew. Then they came for me, and there was no one left to speak for me!


It’s been now four years since the government of Greece stole my life, my computer, and my files. Nobody cares, nobody gives a damn! I have done absolutely nothing, and I am being persecuted by the Greek government without any real reason. My ordeal is against all rules of civil society and treaties that Greece has signed. Greece, a country without a functioning justice system, has gone bananas. Graecokleptocrats use the kangaroo justice as a political tool to gag political opponents. Graecokleptocrats think the laws exist to give them whatever they want! Basil Venitis,,




On October 18, 2010, a gang of six brutal cops of the violent Greek Cyber-Crime Unit (CCU), a real godzilla, supervised by a dishonest prosecutor, a disgusting liar, raided my home in Athens and stole my computer, software, files, documents, and personal data.


The policemen locked me in jail for a night, they humiliated me with handcuffs, fingerprints, mug shots, and lies, leaked false information to the media parrots, and the Greek government initiated sham ex-officio court proceedings for a stack of freakish trumped-up charges!


There was neither pillow nor toilet facility in my jail cell. I had to urinate in a bottle! I, a 69-years-old man with high blood pressure, was not allowed to keep my hypertension pills with me. There was neither toilet paper nor soap in the whole CCU jail.


Greece, a country of infinite political corruption, perjury, injustice, and brutal police, must be revamped. Ex-officio law suit, αυτεπαγγελτος, the most dreadful word in justice, means the state sues somebody without involvement of the accuser. This terrible scheme has been used by the Greek government to persecute me.


Mariliza Xenogiannakopoulou, Alternate Minister of Foreign Affairs, sued me, and she wouldn’t show up in court, because the state took over her position!



At the ex-officio law suit, the accuser just hits and runs! This hit-and-run justice is the most disgusting kangaroo justice on Earth. The accused must be in a position to face his accuser eyeball to eyeball. The right to confront and cross-examine one’s accuser is a sign of civility. The malicious accuser slings false accusations against you, the state takes over, the accuser disappears from the court, and the trial is postponed infinite times! This is penalty of the presumed innocent. This is penalty without trial. This is kangaroo justice of Third World countries! This is barbarity and brutality, pure and simple. Shame, shame, shame on Greece.



Please email appeals to,,,,,,,,,

Calling for the immediate stop of the persecution of Basil Venitis.
Stating that you believe these trumped-up charges to bepolitically motivated and intended to prevent him exercising his right to freedom of expression against political corruption.
Seeking assurances that the civil rights of Basil Venitis will always be respected.

Comment on Padraig Reidy: How your well-meaning retweet can do more harm than good by Zoe Taylor Sat, 13 Sep 2014 12:02:06 +0000 Padraig Reidy: How your well-meaning retweet can do more harm than good:’

Why would such an obviously inaccurate and suspiciously unauthentic letter from a supposed teacher from Lancashire, get so much media attention and by such news outlets as that of the BBC?

Why did we hear that the Algerian team and German Muslim player Mesut Ozil had donated their fee to Gaza after World Cup triumph if it was not true?

Normal everyday people like myself have no power to make much change; Well meaning and passionate members of our government have no real power either to make the kind of change that such bogus reports or retweets suggest.

I am more interested in why such media outlets as the BBC would use such inaccurate material.

Lets think about Tony Blair and his political policies. That might give us an insight into why.

He used the very same methods to subdue the population into believing we had a voice. He made us believe that we did actually live in a democracy.

He promised so much but delivered so little in the end except relentless lies delivered via smarmy and insincere speeches.

He led us into 2 wars on the Middle East, even though thousands marched in protest against such action: Afghanistan and Iraq. No weapons of mass destruction were ever found.

The only weapons of mass destruction ever found in the end were the very same weapons that destroyed the above countries.

Contradictions and lies have become both our foreign and national policies.

It’s about tricking people into believing they have a voice; keeping us inactive and blissfully ignorant to the real truths, so that the corrupt politicians can continue with what ever serves that small but powerful minority – the 1 percent.

Anyone who yielded such power as these news outlets would do their research before print or before broadcasting on air, surly? Unless that is, it serves a purpose.

The purpose being to fool the ‘foolish’ into believing change can really happen but not by us – the ‘fools’ but by such people as the Algerian and German footballers and their teams.

It carries a double purpose, the second being to falsely promote the World Cup and alike.

In fact this method has many uses when you think about it. It also demonizes and undermines the integrity of these very people who are Arabic – Islamic – Muslims, as it came out this was untrue.

Another example being the news released to the British public of Pedophile rings and individuals within the British government and BBC children entertainers during the 1990’s.

Anyone with any intelligence would realize this was a strategic move by our British government to release such news as the War with Gaza began.

Releasing such news while all eyes are on the devastating images and news of Gaza would only serve to soften and distract the very scandal of institutional child abuse being a norm in those days; and in days not so far off in the past.

As too, the recent news about Asian men in the north of the country abusing vulnerable girls while in the care of social services.

It serves as a distraction. There can be found, no doubt in other communities in other parts of England who are not mostly Asian and who commit the same disgusting crimes to humanity.

It is becoming all too obvious now though; their methods. And this is the real problem.

We have too much knowledge from real people on the ground; real People who use Twitter and Facebook. Those corrupt politicians and their news outlets cannot fool us anymore.

As I mentioned, anyone with any clout or be in a position of power would do the research first; so whether or not such Tweets or letters are authentic really does not matter. What does matter is there should be such a platform that gives voice to the real people. After all we do live in a democracy, don’t we?

Comment on Draw the Line: Should the police do more to protect free speech? by Mack Thu, 11 Sep 2014 12:39:41 +0000 But they do protect free speech…of their Corp Person owners.