Earlier this month, a group of activists spraying anti-Muslim Brotherhood graffiti on the ground outside the headquarters of the Islamist group’s political party, the Freedom and Justice Party (FJP), were attacked by plain clothes security guards and Muslim Brotherhood supporters with sticks and chains. Journalists who were at the scene, covering a meeting between Muslim Brotherhood leaders and Hamas officials were also assaulted by the guards. A journalist working for independent newspaper Yom El Sabe’ was arrested and detained for several hours, and one cameraman sustained head injuries, and had his equipment confiscated.

A bus on fire during clashes in Cairo last week

The assault provoked outrage from Egypt’s liberal opposition and journalists alike. Opposition groups and political parties called for a “million people rally” to protest the attacks. In scenes reminiscent of the violence last December following Morsi’s decree giving him absolute powers, thousands of protesters last Friday stormed the Muslim Brotherhood’s offices in several cities, and four buses used to ferry government supporters to their Mottaqam headquarters were torched. Several journalists were injured during clashes that erupted between opposition protesters and Islamist supporters, and police used tear gas to disperse the crowd.

On 24 March, Islamists staged a protest outside the Media Production City, demanding “a purge of the media” and protesting what they called “biased coverage of the violence at Moqattam.” Reham el Sahly, a presenter for independent channel Dream TV, was attacked by protesters, and her car windows were smashed. Protesters chanted slogans against TV talk show hosts working for privately owned media networks, accusing them of “constantly vilifying Islamists and deepening the polarisation of the country.” The protest was the second time Islamists have besieged the studios of privately owned satellite channels in the Media City in recent months, barring media workers from entering or leaving the complex. In December, Salafi protesters staged a week-long sit-in outside the Media City, demanding the dismissal of talk show hosts for attacking President Morsi and his Islamist supporters.

Last week, journalists also protested outside the Media Production City, demanding an end to attacks on journalists. Journalists have planned more protests later on this week, to demand authorities uphold press freedom. Diaa Rashwan, a leftist political analyst and newly elected Head of the Syndicate (replacing outgoing pro-Brotherhood Mamdouh El Wali) vowed to pursue charges against Mahmoud Ghozlan, the Islamist party’s spokesman, “for suggesting that journalists had incited the violence.” In a statement, Ghozlan said that the guards outside of the FJP offices were provoked by the activists and journalists, who taunted and insulted them. State-owned newspaper Al Ahram reported that another spokesman from the group said that “while the activists have a right to express themselves freely and protest peacefully, insults and sabotage were unacceptable.”

Meanwhile, President Morsi has issued stern warnings that his patience was wearing thin, and that “those using the media to incite violence would face punishment.” He has accused owners of private TV stations (many of whom are businessmen with close ties to the Mubarak-era regime) of using their networks to criticise and insult him. Two days after the clashes, while opening a conference on women’s rights at the presidential palace on Sunday, Morsi vowed to take “whatever measures were necessary to protect the nation and restore order.”

“Those derailing the democratic transition and spreading chaos will be held to account by law”, Morsi warned. He hinted that former regime officials — recently acquitted of corruption charges — were behind the recent violence, and promised that they would be “brought to justice.”

Khaled Dawoud, spokesman for the National Salvation Front (NSF), the main opposition bloc, told Reuters that he believes the warnings were “a prelude to suppressive measures that would be taken to silence critics of the Muslim Brotherhood.” While denying it was inciting violence, the NSF has in turn, accused the government of launching attacks on the media with the aim of “monopolising power and controlling the state.”

Lawsuits have been filed against several members of the media in recent days. TV talk show host Bassem Youssef has had charges brought against him for allegedly insulting President Morsi on his weekly political satire show El-Bernameg (The Programme), broadcast on privately-owned channel CBC. Similar charges were brought against Yousef in December, but they were dropped before the case reached court.

According to Gamal Eid, a human rights lawyer and activist, “the number of lawsuits filed by citizens against journalists under President Morsi’s rule was four times the number filed during the entire 30-year rule of toppled president Hosni Mubarak.” Reporters Without Borders (RSF) earlier this month issued a statement condemning the government’s repressive measures against journalists in Egypt and expressing concern about “the decline in freedom of information in the country”.  RSF cited the judicial investigation of prominent TV presenter Dina Abdel Fattah on charges of “promoting terrorism” as an example of the government’s repressive policies stifling free expression. “Gagging the media will only fuel instability”, the statement warned.

Fattah was released on bail of 5,000 Egyptian Pounds after being investigated by the Public Prosecutor for hosting members of the so-called “Black Bloc”on a show that she hosted on private satellite channel El Tahrir. The Black Bloc youths are members of a newly formed opposition movement described by the government as “a group of anarchists and vandals”. Fattah resigned from the channel in protest against censorship, after her programme was canceled by the network’s senior management. The prosecutor’s office said more than 200 complaints had been filed against her by private citizens. Members of the Shura Council (the Upper House of parliament) had also filed a lawsuit accusing Fattah’s programme of “inciting vandalism” and being a “threat to public order.”

Since August, several lawsuits have been filed against prominent talk show hosts and journalists but none have been convicted — leading many to speculate that the charges were meant to intimidate and silence critics of the regime. Index on Censorship Freedom of Expression award winner Ibrahim Eissa was accused by an Islamist lawyer of blasphemy, and defaming Islam after he mockingly said on his TV programme that “pickpockets would have their hand cut off according to Sharia, but those who steal billions from banks are allowed to get away with it.”

Television host Mahmoud Saad was summoned for questioning by the public prosecutor along with a guest on one of his programmes for allegedly insulting President Morsi on air. The guest, Dr. Manal Omar, said on Saad’s programme that the Islamist president was “suffering from psychological problems after serving jail time under ousted President Hosni Mubarak.”

In recent months, the government has also pursued defamation charges against journalists Abdel Haleem Qandil (Editor in Chief of Nasserist paper Al Arabi ) and Islam Afifi ( Editor-in-Chief of the private daily Al Dostour ) who have both been investigated for “insulting the president.” Hannan Youssef, the Deputy Editor-in-Chief of the local daily Al Messa has been fined 10,000 Egyptian pounds for libel. In January, columnist Gamal Fahmy was investigated by the Public Prosecutor for suggesting that journalist Hussein Abou Deif was killed for exposing the fact that President Morsi’s brother-in-law, who had been convicted in a bribery case, was released under a presidential pardon.

Rights lawyer and activist Hafez Abu Seada, who heads the Egyptian Organisation for Human Rights (EOHR) has condemned the charges against journalists, saying they represent a serious threat to free expression in post-revolution Egypt. In a statement published by the EOHR , he said the increasing number of lawsuits filed against journalists and media figures was a method of intimidation used against journalists to stop them criticising the president. Journalists have meanwhile vowed to continue protesting to press for an end to censorship, systemic intimidation by the state and physical attacks against them.

State TV anchor Bothaina Kamel, who was investigated by TV lawyers in January for suggesting interference by the pro- Brotherhood Minister of Information in editorial content, told Index: “Journalists are no longer intimidated. There’s no going back to the old ways. The fear barrier is gone. We had a revolution for freedom and will continue to stand up against censorship and fight for free expression.”

Kamel also called for legislation to protect journalists against investigation and physical attacks. She also called for foreign aid to Egypt to rely on Morsi’s ability to follow through on promises to protect freedom and democracy. “Western donors cannot continue to back an undemocratic government that uses repressive means to stifle freedom of expression”, she said.

The post Journalists defiant despite fears of return to Egypt’s bad old days appeared first on Index on Censorship.

The Winners

Index on Censorship New Media Award, supported by Google

TuniLeaks by Nawaat

After accepting the award, Sami Ben Gharbia, co-founder of Nawaat, said: “This award is very important to us. It is given to us the very year we are celebrating the Tunisian revolution and seven years of our existence as a collective blog, which was censored from its launch by Ben Ali’s regime.”

TuniLeaks is a selection of the WikiLeaks State Department cables published by Nawaat.org, an independent group blog run by Tunisian net activists.

TuniLeaks, like its parent site Nawaat, is entirely independent and does not receive funds from any political party.

The TuniLeaks cables revealed the extent of the corruption deeply entrenched in many aspects of Tunisian life. Despite attempts to block the site, news of the cables being released swiftly spread around the country and Nawaat helped informal media networks link communities that had been cut off by government censors.

Nawaat highlights how important transparency is in a country like Tunisia, where citizens had for so many years been cut off from vital information and dialogue. “The aim is to get everyone to read, to get an idea and give meaning to the facts provided,” the website states. “The debate is open.”

The other nominees were the Tor Project and Chinese internet activist Wen Yunchao. Details here

Bindmans Law and Campaigning Award

Gao Zhisheng

Gao Zhisheng has been persecuted by the state for speaking out on human rights issues. Gao, a self-taught lawyer, forged a career representing the underdog in cases involving medical malpractice, land redistribution, employment disputes and forced sterilisation.

He has also defended journalists and religious minorities including Christians and members of Falun Gong. In 2005, he resigned from the Communist Party and wrote an open letter to President Hu Jintao and Prime Minister Wen Jiabao, documenting the suffering of Falun Gong practitioners and calling on the leaders to end their “large-scale, organised” abuse.

Security forces took Gao from his home in Shaanxi province on 4 February 2009. Gao claimed the security forces tortured him. The state denied any knowledge of his whereabouts until January 2010, when a foreign ministry official said the lawyer was “where he should be”. After briefly reappearing Gao disappeared again in April 2010, and the Chinese state has refused to register him as a missing person.

The other nominees were David Coombs, the criminal defence lawyer leading the defence of Specialist Bradley Manning, the 23-year-old accused of leaking classified material to WikiLeaks; and Sherry Rehman, a member of Pakistan’s parliament who submitted a bill proposing amendments to Pakistan’s blasphemy law. Details here

The Guardian Journalism Award

Ibrahim Eissa

After accepting the award  Ibrahim Eissa said ”I consider this to be a prize for Tahrir Square”.

Eissa is Egypt’s leading independent editor, described as a “one-man barometer of Egypt’s struggle for political and civic freedom”. Throughout his career, he has faced prosecution when his push for media freedom has fallen foul of the government.

In 2010, he was fired from his position as editor of the independent newspaper al Dostour, after new owners bought the paper; his popular satellite talk show was also taken off air. His sacking came in the midst of a wider media crackdown in the run-up to the parliamentary elections, when Mubarak’s ruling National Democratic Party emerged victorious amid accusations of unprecedented vote rigging.

When Eissa was sacked from his job last year, the novelist Alaa al Aswany wrote: “Ibrahim Eissa did not oppose the government; he opposed the system … He called for real democratic change through free and fair elections and regular change at the top.”

The other nominee was Chiranuch Premchaiporn, the co-founder of the Thai online news site Prachatai (“Thai people”). She is currently on trial, facing up to 50 years in jail, for comments posted on Prachatai that were critical of the monarchy. Details here.

The Intelligent Life Arts Award

MF Husain

Celebrated and critically-acclaimed Indian artist Maqbool Fida (MF) Husain has been battling against censorship in his native India and elsewhere for close to 20 years. Born in 1915, he is recognised as one of India’s greatest living artists. He has lived in exile since 2006.

Husain’s work has caused controversy in sections of the conservative Hindu community, who regard his depiction of Hindu gods and goddesses in the nude as blasphemous and offensive. Husain has received numerous threats and exhibitions of his work have come under attack on several occasions; in India, he has faced hundreds of legal actions relating to his work.

In January 2011, three of Husain’s artworks were removed from the Indian Art Summit in New Delhi following threats. Organisers said they could not guarantee the safety of the artwork or of those visiting the exhibition.

The other nominees were Gurpreet Kaur Bhatti, a Sikh British playwright, and acclaimed Iranian director Jafar Panahi. Details here

Belarus’s prisoners of conscience were awarded a Special Commendation by Sir Tom Stoppard

Sir Tom Stoppard said: “This Index on Censorship award is all the more important as the figure of prisoner of conscience should have been consigned to history. Yet in Europe in 2011 there are 42 prisoners of conscience held by the government of Belarus.”

This award is dedicated to all the prisoners of conscience who have been detained because they exercised their right to free expression in criticising President Lukashenko.

On 19 December, the night of the presidential elections in Belarus, a large demonstration was held in Independence Square in Minsk. The protest was dispersed violently, with the arrest of around 700 people. Those held were treated appallingly.

Natalia Koliada, the co-founder of the Belarus Free Theatre, was one of those arrested. The Free Theatre had performed at an event organised by Index on Censorship just two weeks previously at the Young Vic. Whilst Koliada was in prison, guards made vile threats: “You are animals. We want to kill you. Our dream is to kill you.”

Those detained were not held in cells, but had to stand in freezing prison corridors. All the prisoners had biometric photographs taken and were fingerprinted and filmed.

Ales Mikhalevich, one of seven presidential candidates who was detained, has subsequently made allegations of torture. In total, 42 people face criminal prosecutions for organising a “mass disturbance”. The charges carry a prison sentence of up to 15 years. With so many presidential candidates amongst those charged, it is likely there is a political motive behind the charges.

The post Winners of the Freedom of Expression Awards 2011 appeared first on Index on Censorship.

‘We disapprove of sending journalists to prison and therefore are taking measures to suspend this order,’ said spokesman Ahmed Anany.

Eissa was found guilty after publishing rumours about President Mubarak’s health.

In a bizarre twist today, sources have reported that Eissa has been told not to hand himself in to begin his sentence.

Ameira Howeidy, a correspondent with Egyptian newspaper Al Ahram, told Index on Censorship:

‘The authorities want to punish Ibrahim Eissa, but by doing so Egypt will look bad if he serves the two month prison sentence. For his part, Eissa is more than willing to embarrass the authorities and expose claims that the regime tolerates free speech by going to prison. Today he is Egypt’s most controversial journalist and all eyes are on him. What will it look like for the Mubarak regime when hundreds of local and international journalists and cameramen are there when he turns himself in? And for what? For reporting on nationwide rumours last summer that the 83-year-old Hosni Mubarak is in bad health.

‘Now my information is that the interior ministry has requested Eissa not to turn himself in yet! Either the authorities realise they will look bad and Eissa will look like a hero — so they don’t want him to go to jail yet — or they prefer to suspend the sentence (and have it as a sword hanging over Eissa’s head) until the highest court looks into the appeal, which could take years.’

For background, read Egypt’s Witch Hunt

The post Egypt: press union will appeal Eissa sentence appeared first on Index on Censorship.

On 26 March a Cairo court sentenced Ibrahim Eissa, editor of the independent Al Dostour newspaper, to six months in prison for publishing a series of articles on 79-year-old president Hosni Mubarak’s health.

Eissa has the right to appeal the ruling, which he probably will, knowing all too well that he’ll end up in one of Egypt’s notorious prisons anyway.

This 42-year-old critic of the Mubarak regime still faces at least four other court cases concerning articles deemed ‘insulting’ to figures in the ruling party and, again, the president.

It is unlikely that Eissa will get out of this witch-hunt unscathed. These cases, like many others, are politically motivated. If he is found innocent of some charges, he’s bound to be found guilty and imprisoned on others. The 26 March verdict — made available in a 21-page paper explaining the legal grounds of the sentence — best demonstrates this assumption.

The paper said that Eissa crossed the legal boundaries when he published reports in his newspaper based on a rumour suggesting that president Mubarak was suffering a health problem, ‘even though’ the president had made several public appearances in an attempt to dispel the rumour.

By printing articles questioning the president’s health condition, the court said, Al Dostour had demonstrated a premeditated ‘ill will’. In doing so, Eissa had sparked ‘fear’, ‘chaos’ and ‘panic’ within Egyptian society, and had also damaged the economy by causing investors to pull capital from the stock market.

Some might wonder why or how one sole journalist in the Arab world’s most populous country could have such a profound influence on the economy, or public opinion for that matter. He doesn’t. What he does have, however, is the courage to defy the ‘red lines’ imposed by Egypt’s authoritarian regime. It is becoming clear that out of all the journalists dragged to court over the past year, its Eissa’s head that’s wanted, because he called things by their right names.

Instead of criticising ‘the government’, which is a popular and safe euphemism amongst Egyptian journalists to refer to the president — and recently his son Gamal — Eissa had absolutely no qualms in pointing an accusing finger to Mubarak, his son and their entourage by name when he found them responsible for Egypt’s woes. Nor did his relentless anti-dictatorship and anti-corruption journalism run out of steam, though he knew all too well that it could cost him his freedom.

When rumours spread last summer that Mubarak’s health was in critical condition, Al Dostour did what any newspaper would: report the news. Because Egypt’s constitution gives the president absolute authority — which makes him the most important official in the republic and consequently makes this a very sensitive issue, Al Dostour gave this story the prominence it deserved. Back then, Eissa challenged the ‘secrecy’ surrounding Mubarak’s health, arguing that it wasn’t a personal matter to be kept away from the public, but an issue of national concern. It wasn’t the media’s fault that because of tampering with the Egyptian constitution, the fate of an entire nation hinges upon the health of one man. This is what dictatorship is about.

Ever since he assumed office in 1981, Mubarak has refused to appoint a deputy. In the past decade, the growing political influence of his younger son Gamal triggered speculation on his perceived ambition to succeed his father. It was during that time that a dissent movement emerged to pressure the regime to allow a democratic change of power. Instead, Mubarak amended the constitution to entrench his party’s grip on power and exclude other political forces from political participation. The dissent movement relied heavily on the newly established private and independent press in its campaign to influence public opinion. This is how the private press came to play a crucial role in the struggle for democratic transformation in Egypt. Al Dostour’s fearless tone made it stand out.

What makes Eissa’s case particularly alarming is the shocking silence of the Egyptian Press Syndicate, which has ignored the decision to imprison him altogether. Its new elected chairman, Makram Mohamed Ahmed — who was backed by the state-run media in his election campaign last November — told AP that a ‘compromise’ could be reached between Eissa and Mubarak’s ruling party. He suggested that journalists accept a government-proposed ‘code of ethics’ that would ban criticism of the president and his family.

Egypt is currently going through a critical stage of economic, political and social instability. Various sectors of society — from judges and medical doctors to labourers and university professors — are resorting to strikes to protest poor wages and corruption. Recently, clashes have been breaking out amongst Egyptians waiting in long lines for government-subsidised bread, causing a nationwide crisis. The president has been forced to use the army to supervise bread production.

It is imperative for the regime at this volatile stage to secure its grip on power and silence the press. It’s no coincidence that Egypt’s information minister formulated an agreement, adopted by 20 Arab states in Cairo in February, to punish satellite channels for offending Arab leaders. Previous harassment of journalists attests to the ongoing crackdown on independent reporters, who remain a thorn in the regime’s neck.

If journalists accept the compromise floated by the Press Syndicate’s chairman, it will be a setback for the gains and efforts of independent journalists who refused to kowtow in their quest for the truth. In Egypt’s current transitional phase, it is imperative for independent voices to remain fearless, or risk worst days to come.

The post Egypt’s witch-hunt appeared first on Index on Censorship.