Posts Tagged ‘Libya’
March 21st, 2011
Four New York Times journalists who had gone
missing in Libya will be
released soon, it was reported on Friday. The journalists had entered Libya through Egypt and were reporting from the rebel held city of Ajdabiya, which was then overrun by the pro-Gadaffi army and they were arrested. Libyan officials have indicated that the journalists will be released very soon. Four Al Jazeera journalists are also said to be in
custody in Tripoli, while two Agence France-Presse journalists and a Getty Images photographer have been missing in Libya since Saturday.
March 18th, 2011
Liverpool John Moores University has threatened to sue a Conservative MP after he criticised its relations with the Libyan regime, Index on Censorship has learned.Robert Halfon MP, whose grandfather was expelled from Libya in 1968, has been vociferous in his opposition to the Gadaffi family, and particularly its ties with UK universities.London School of Economics director Sir Howard Davies resigned earlier this month after it was disclosed the school had taken £1.5 million from the north African state.LJMU does not deny that it has had dealing with the Libyan regime,
saying in a statement that “everything that we have done has been delivered transparently, at the invitation or with the encouragement and the support of the FCO (through the British Ambassador) and the British Council.”British Prime Minister David Cameron
said this week that Universities should ask “some pretty searching questions” about relations with Libya.On Monday, the coalition government published its
draft libel reform bill, which proposes to protect expression of “honest opinion”.
March 17th, 2011
Gaith Abdul Ahad, a Guardian reporter, has been
released after being detained for a fortnight by Libyan authorities. Ahad, along with Andrei Netto, a Brazilian journalist, were
held after entering Libya from Tunisia. Netto was
freed a few days ago. The New York Times
reports that four of its journalists have been missing in Libya since 15 March.
March 14th, 2011
Ali Hassan Al Jaber, an Al Jazeera cameraman, was
killed in Libya on 12 March after being shot by unknown attackers, in an
ambush by forces loyal to Gaddafi.After covering an anti-government protest, the Al Jazeera team was on its way to the city of Benghazi, when the car they were travelling in came under fire. Another journalist in the car received minor gun shot wounds. Al Jaber is the first journalist to have been killed while covering the recent unrest in Libya.Wadah Khanfar, the director-general of Al Jazeera, condemned the attack on its journalists: “Al Jazeera reiterates the assault cannot dent its resolve to continue its mission, professionally enlightening the public of the unfolding events in Libya and elsewhere.”It is also
reported that Brazilian journalist, Andrei Netto, who was being held by Libyan authorities has now been released. However, Ghaith Abdul-Ahad, a Guardian journalist who was
detained at the same time as Netto, is still in custody.
March 10th, 2011
A BBC news team trying to reach the town of Zawiya were
detained, beaten and subjected to mock executions by pro-Gaddafi forces. The team of three were detained on Monday at an army roadblock and taken to a military barracks in Tripoli where they were held for 21 hours. After release they left the country.The Guardian
reports today that its correspondent, Ghaith Abdul-Ahad, and his travelling companion Andrei Netto, from the Brazilian newspaper Estado, are missing in Libya. Abdul-Ahad, an Iraqi national, was last in touch with the paper through a third party on Sunday.
March 1st, 2011
“Listening to the fear in people’s voices had been heartbreaking but not hearing anything was terrifying,” describes Huda Abuzeid, Libyan exile and filmmaker
Nobody expected Libya’s protests to amount to much; after 42 years everyone had all but given up on the country.
Even when 17 February was touted as Libya’s day of rage, pretty much everyone believed protest would be quashed, quickly and bloodily.
On 15 February, Fathi Terbli, a human rights lawyer acting on behalf of the families of the Abu Salim prison massacre was arrested in Benghazi, Libya’s second city on the eastern border with Egypt. [Photo, right: via Twitpic, protests outside the Libyan embassy in London].
Worried about recent events in Tunisia and Egypt either side of Libya, the authorities had decided on a pre-emptive strike to try and prevent any possible protests before they started.
Arrests and disappearances were the regime’s favourite way of instilling fear, a method that had kept the populace cowed for over four decades.
This time, however, the arrests actually brought the protests out a day early. Benghazi’s people surrounded the police station where Terbli was detained, refusing to move despite clashes with security forces, and he was soon released.
This first win, inspired by Tunisia and Egypt, spread throughout the east and many western areas, leaving Gaddafi ruthlessly fighting from his remaining stronghold in Tripoli.
Exiled voices
As this was happening I, along with every other Libyan exile, tried to figure out how to help. What could we possibly do from abroad to support the incredible people who were braving snipers, mercenaries and heavy fire to overthrow the Gaddafi regime city by city?
The one thing Gaddafi has been successful at is cutting off Libya from the world. Whilst he was welcomed back into the international community with unseemly haste in 2003, his own people were still not to be seen or heard of without fear of reprisals.
Those who spoke would be quickly silenced, even those safely abroad were warned that their relatives inside the country would be targets if they publicly criticised the newly “reformed” regime. Damned if you spoke, damned if you didn’t.
Limited media
The international media was wrong footed, suddenly trying to cover a country about which little was known, and where they had no journalists or cameras to independently report what was happening.
During the first few days of Libyan protest there was barely any news coming out; the mobile phone clips that would appear online were short and so badly shot that it was difficult to make out what was happening.
The phrases “citizen journalism” and “user generated content” have become popular in the past few years, but when these forms of media were the only news source their limitations became apparent.
The fact that this was a genuinely popular uprising also meant that the go-to Libyan figures abroad didn’t know who was responsible either, so they themselves were struggling to follow events.
As a TV producer I knew that international media coverage was key to breaking through Gaddafi’s wall of silence. Not only would it ensure the world saw what was happening, but more importantly, that news reached those inside Libya watching Al-Jazeera, BBC Arabic and other channels, with the truth about what was happening in other parts of the country.
Libyans abroad could offer the media their perspective from any town or city across Libya, challenging the notion of different tribes who would be unable to unite once Gaddafi went.
Everyone had willing relatives desperate for someone to hear their plight.
We collected numbers and phoned people on the ground, dispassionately questioned them to find out accounts of what was going on and then forwarded on the information to interested media.
When it worked we preferred Skype because it felt more secure than the heavily tapped phone lines. We translated the Libyan dialect being broadcast on a revolutionary radio station in Benghazi and concentrated on feeding the ever-hungry news channels.
Each city that fell to anti-Gaddafi forces emboldened others and as events changed hourly it was of vital importance that networks covered it.
Sadly, in the beginning it was an uphill struggle to get news networks interested. Despite knowing that phone calls from abroad were monitored, many courageous Libyans spoke directly to TV news channels. It took a couple of arrests for the media to stop using their full names. This was not Tunisia or Egypt; this was a regime that had no problem using its full power to keep its people silent.
This was practical tangible work that kept me mentally distracted, until last Tuesday when not one of our compiled telephone numbers worked. Entire cities in Libya were cut off once more from the world.
That was the first day I actually felt a sense of real panic, listening to lines go dead or just ring off. I imagined all manner of horrors being committed. Listening to the fear in people’s voices had been heartbreaking but not hearing anything was terrifying.
It was only when the lines returned and we started to help journalists get into Libya with their satellite phones that the panic began to ease.
The next mission is to collate all that citizen journalism. When no journalist was able to go in, it was the Libyan people who risked their lives to show the world the protests and attacks.
Whilst the regime blithely claimed nobody was injured, the quantity of juddering mobile phone footage of dead bodies exposed the lie. The professionals could no longer ignore the veracity of the uploaded material. Ahum Ahum al libyoun ahum “here we are, the Libyans we are here”.
Huda Abuzeid is a filmmaker and TV producer based in the UK. Follow her on Twitter: @hudduh
February 21st, 2011
Clashes between anti-government protesters and security forces over the past few days have left at least
200 dead and many more wounded. The government has reacted strongly against demonstrators, with
reports of
gunfire and restricted hospital supplies. In a
televised address Muammar Gaddafi’s son and heir apparent, Saif a
l-Islam Gaddafi termed the demonstrators “seditious elements,” warning that Libya faced a civil war. “We will take up arms, we will fight to the last bullet,” he said.
Restrictions on local and international media make it difficult to build an accurate picture of the demonstrations and to independently verify casualty numbers.
February 21st, 2011
The revoking of arms licences to Libya and Bahrain won’t last. British firms will be back, argues John Kampfner
This piece first appeared on Comment is Free, Guardian.co.uk.
When Robin Cook tried to tighten rules on British arms sales to dodgy regimes in 1997 he was told by Tony Blair’s team to grow up. Planned changes to criteria for weapons exports were so watered down that they made no inroads into the trade. Cook’s professed “ethical dimension” to foreign policy was stillborn.
Downing Street had been heavily lobbied, but it needed no convincing. This is one area where the boardroom and the unions are in harmony, and one that does not change whatever the government. Britain is a market leader in fighter jets, electric batons, sub-machine guns and teargas. Why add to the jobless total for the sake of morals? If we don’t sell the kit someone else will.
The announcement, therefore, of a revoking of licences to Bahrain and Libya should be taken with a pinch of salt; I predict that British firms will be back at it as soon as the coast is clear.
The coalition government’s commendable, but limited improvements in civil liberties at home have not been replicated in foreign policy, which is brazenly mercantilist. Go forth and flog Britain’s wares is the message. The notorious Export Credits Guarantee Department, responsible for some of the most economically foolhardy and unethical business deals of the past 20 years, has been boosted. From arms sales to Saudi Arabia and Indonesia, to oil and gas pipelines in central Asia, to mega-dams in sub-Saharan Africa, the ECGD has backed projects that have been implicated in corruption, environmental destruction and human rights abuses.
At the weekend, the UK arms industry descended on Abu Dhabi for Idex, the region’s most important weapons fare. A tenth of all the global exhibitors are from Britain. Gerald Howarth, the minister leading the delegation, declared that “we have ambitious plans”.
The most unequivocal message since the election was made by Peter Luff, the defence equipment minister, who told a defence show in June: “There will be a very, very, very heavy ministerial commitment to arms sales. There is a sense that in the past we were rather embarrassed about exporting defence products. There is no such embarrassment in this government.”
Indeed there is not. The regimes currently using brute force to put down pro-democracy protests are all longstanding partners of the UK. As the Campaign Against the Arms Trade notes on Bahrain: in 2010, equipment approved for export included teargas and crowd control ammunition, equipment for the use of aircraft cannons, assault rifles, shotguns, sniper rifles and submachine guns. No requests for licences were refused.
Algeria, Egypt and Saudia Arabia have provided rich pickings for UK arms exporters. Of all the bilateral arrangements of recent years, perhaps the most despicable is the one with Libya. Colonel Gaddafi morphed from terrorist sympathiser to friend of the west, which then turned a blind eye to his internal repression. Libya is regarded as a priority partner, with the UK boasting the largest pavilion at the Libya’s arms fair.
CAAT figures show that in the third quarter of 2010, equipment approved for export to Libya included wall-and-door breaching projectile launchers, crowd control ammunition, small arms ammunition and teargas/irritant ammunition. No requests for licences were refused.
Earlier this month, the trade minister, Lord Green, announced that ministers will be “held accountable” if companies fail to secure deals and foreign investors favour Britain’s economic rivals. Beside him was business secretary, Vince Cable.
In opposition the Lib Dems were vocal about arms sales. In government they have grown silent. In January 2009, Nick Clegg wrote on these pages that Britain should stop supplying Israel following its bombardment of Gaza. He made a broader point: the UK should not supply weapons to countries involved in external aggression or internal repression. I have heard nothing significant from Clegg on the issue since he became deputy prime minister.
He may believe that if he spoke out, he might suffer a similar fate to Cook. There is too much riding on an industry that abets authoritarian regimes, while providing rich profits for UK firms and jobs. In the current economic climate, who would stand in their way?
