Writers are by instinct — and, one might add (alas), experience — somewhat sceptical of governments. We fear them even when they bear gifts … This scepticism is healthy and appropriate … In the cosy optimism in which most of us elite Nigerians live and move and have our being, danger may seem rather far-fetched. But behind the smiling facade of the present dispensation slouches the rough beast of fanaticism — religious fanaticism, ethnic fanaticism and political fanaticism.

Let me illustrate briefly with what I have read and seen in the last two weeks alone. A columnist in one of our leading national dailies wrote approvingly of Iran as the one country in the Third World which has successfully checked the onslaught of both East and West with the effective weapon of religion. This was about two weeks ago. This week we have all read and heard that among the strange things happening in Iran was the execution of a poet, Sa’id Soltanpour, for crimes of “earthly corruption” and “war on God”.

It is hardly necessary to say more on the matter. Writers are natural sceptics and there is no way they can be safe in an atmosphere of religious fanaticism. I used to wonder why Bertrand Russell held that one of the greatest evils introduced into the world by religion was the notion of righteousness which, incidentally, the Jews must take credit for inventing. But looking at the contemporary world and contemporary Nigeria infested with all kinds of dangerous lunatics who believe in their own righteous justification to commit any crime in the name of God, we must understand what Bertrand Russell was talking about.

And now to political fanaticism. Do we need prophetic insight to see the deadly portents? And again the real source of worry is not the existence of fanaticism but the absence of any genuine force of public sentiment to check its manifestations and prevent a consolidation of incipient fascism.

The other day a state governor said to an airport press conference: “Damn it, I am the government!” And he received an ovation and delighted laughter instead of shocked silence.

Louis XIV of France said precisely the same thing more than 300 years ago. He not only ruined France, but two reigns later his descendant paid for it with his head in a revolution that unleashed a horrendous bloodbath. Perhaps an airport press conference is not the ideal place to argue the enlightenment and political sophistication of a country. Perhaps things are better in the sober, intellectual atmosphere of academe. If you think so, I have bad news for you. About the same time another chief executive told an audience at this university: “Politics is power, and nobody gives up power peacefully.” He was applauded. By academics! In a seat of enlightenment!

My concern here is not what politicians say or do, but the absence of a countervailing tradition of enlightened criticism and dissent. I am not talking about our accustomed factional and inter-party squabbles that are largely devoid of objective ideas and principle. I am saying that in this situation a writer, who must be free, whose second nature is to dance to a “different drummer” and not march like a boy scout, such a person has no choice really but to run great risks. And we had better know it and prepare for it.

CHINUA ACHEBE 1981

Chinua Achebe was a patron of Index on Censorship

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 Iranian opposition candidate Mirhossein Mousavi has been under house arrest for two years

Two daughters of a former presidential candidate held under house arrest for nearly two years have been arrested in Iran. Zahra and Narges Mousavi, daughters of Mirhossein Mousavi, Iranian prime minister in the 1980s, were arrested by security forces on February 11. Along with Mousavi’s third daughter, they had written in a statement that authorities had denied Mousavi and his wife Zahra Rahnavard access to their children for weeks. Mousavi and Rahnavard were placed under house arrest along with opposition figure Mehdi Karroubi and his wife Fatemeh, after they called for demonstrations to support the Arab uprisings across the region in February 2011. The Islamic Republic is facing a presidential vote in June, and hardliners have accused opposition leaders of plotting a second sedition after the last protests were crushed by security forces. They have also called for the execution of both men, but the government are choosing to keep them in solitary confinement.

Saudia Arabia’s minister for media and culture has confirmed that a range of government bodies have been censoring Twitter, reports on 13 February said. Abdel Aziz Khoga called on Saudi citizens to ”raise their awareness” and monitor their social media activity more carefully, as it was proving increasingly difficult to monitor the three million Twitter subscribers around the kingdom. Under the Sunni monarchy, writer Turki Al-Hamad is one of many journalists in prison under blasphemy charges. He was arrested for insulting Islam in January, after he accused radical Islamists of corrupting Prophet Mohammad’s “message of love” in a Tweet in December 2o12. Online activist Raif Badawi was arrested in June 2012 and was charged with apostasy for his tweet, a sentence which carries the death penalty.

On 14 February, two Nigerian journalists appeared in court for criticising the government’s polio campaign. Yakubu Fagge and Mubarak Sani were charged with criminal conspiracy, abetment, defamation of character, obstruction of a public officer carrying out his duty, intentional insult, and incitement to violence. They plead guilty before judge Ibrahim Bello during their appearance before a senior magistrate court in Gyadi Gyadi, Kano. The pair were arrested after hosting a radio show on Wazobia FM on 6 February, where they alleged the government had forced parents to immunise their children against polio, claiming officials were abusing their power. Fagge and Sani have been granted bail with two sureties each at NGN 100, 000, on the condition the surities are community leaders or heads of department of government organisations. The case was adjourned until 13 March.

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