Belarus’s president “pardons” nine of 41 political prisoners on 11 August, the same day when US toughened economic sanctions against his regime. Olga Birukova reports

For the list of those released including their biographies click here

“The decision is based on their appeals for pardon, given the fact they have accepted the illegality of their actions, pleaded guilty and repented sincerely”, said an official press-release. Five of the released have been named already: Dmitry Drozd, Artem Gribkov, Serguey Kazakov and Andrei Protasenya. All of them were held in Bobruisk colony and their relatives confirmed they could be released as early as Monday 15 August. Others believed to be nominated for release have been named as Vladimir Loban and Alexander Klaskovsky. So far Belarus’s Ministry of International Affairs has not provided the names of the other three to be released.

According to naviny.by none of the former presidential candidates are on the release list, as none have signed confessions. Other analysts believe they may be released relatively soon, even if they have not appealed for clemency as Minsk seeks ways to improve relations with Europe.

This clemency for a handful of prisoners came on the same day as the US decision to impose additional economic sanctions against four major Belarusian state-owned enterprises: Belshina tyre factory; Grodno Azot, which manufactures fertilizers; Grodno Khimvolokno, a fibre manufacturer; and Naftan, a major oil refinery controlled by the Belneftekhim conglomerate. The new sanctions came in addition to travel restrictions, asset freezes for Belarusian officials, and previous economic sanctions against Belneftekhim. The sanctions may damage the pre-announced plans for the privatization of state owned assets to boost the Belarusian economy (and provide capital to fill the huge current account deficit).

“Only serious economic sanctions can help release all political prisoners in Belarus”, says an open letter, published by charter97 and signed by 18 women, all relatives of those who have suffered political persecution in Belarus or disappeared in suspicious circumstances they challenged Lukashenko.

“Do not be fooled by the words of dictator on the possible release of political prisoners. That won’t happen; instead the bargaining and negotiations will start what likely will lead to payment of some money as advance, but the deal won’t be realised. Do not believe false promises and do not think that economic sanctions can hurt the people of Belarus. The situation cannot be worse. Belarus people are damaged not by external economic sanctions, but by domestic policy. But severe economic pressure can free innocent people from prison, as it was the case with Alexander Kazulin,” the letter says.

Kazulin, Lukashenko’s main rival during the 2006 presidential elections was jailed and finally released on 16 August 2008. According to Belarusian media reports, the regime offered him clemency if he agreed to leave Belarus quietly and emigrate to Germany. He refused. His wife died of cancer whilst he was in jail.

After the release of Kozulin, Belarus received a loan from the International Monetary Fund.

“Possibly here, we see ‘good cop-bad cop’, where the US is the bad cop, whilst Europe can play the role of good cop, who in exchange for the release of political prisoners might provide some [trade] preferences or some measures to promote cooperation, as in 2008”, says Ludmila Gryaznova, chairwoman of “Human Rights Alliance”, an NGO registered in Lithuania and working on Belarusian issues.

Gryaz believes any step towards Belarus would be helpful, as right now the public is worrying not only about Lukashenko’s policies but also by Russian’s approach to Belarus as well. “It would be a very difficult situation for us if we remained in total isolation and we may go under full Russian influence, there is even the risk Belarus will lose its independence as a country”, she added.

Other Belarus analysts also believe that by releasing the political prisoners, Minsk wants to improve relations with West, whilst saving face. Some even believe all political prisoners might be released by September for the next “Eastern European summit”. Meanwhile, Belarus’s opposition are working to prepare their biggest action to date, the “People’s Gathering”, planned for 8 October.

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As politicians and journalists face trial for mass street protests, Olga Birukova explains the climate of fear and intimidation journalists face

Today in Belarus five former presidential candidates are on trial along with journalists and civil society figures. They are charged with protesting the re-election of President Alexander Lukashenko, or as the Belarussian state puts it “organising and participating in public mass disorder”. Over 600 demonstrators were jailed in the violent crackdown on protest that followed the disputed December 2010 election in which Lukashenko won a fourth term. After a 19 December anti-Lukashenko rally seven presidential candidates were arrested, 26 journalists detained and 20 more injured. Eight journalists are currently being prosecuted and the authorities are on the verge of banning two popular newspapers — Nasha Niva and Narodnaya Volya.

In Belarus a journalists’ life has never been easy, but now it seems to be an “extreme resistance test”. Bynet (the Belarussian speaking section of the internet) is full of advice for the media on “how to recognise and cope with psychological trauma”. Some journalists have left the country, some have gone on hunger strike and some struggle on from prison.

“It’s only here [in jail] I realised what an emotional storm it must have been for all those state media workers, when you are not allowed to write the most interesting content. The only difference is: I am forced to stay here, but they put on their dog collars” — Andrej Poczobut wrote on his blog last week. Or more precisely, somebody posted his letter online for him.

Poczobut has been held in custody for 30 days. The first hearing date for his trial is yet to be set. Poczobut allegedly insulted Lukashenko online (twice) and in eight articles for the Polish newspaper Gazeta Wyborcza, including one on his personal blog where he detailed his interrogation by local KGB officers. These charges could see him spend up to two years of prison. He has also been accused of slandering the president — which could lead to a four year prison sentence.

Poczobut could have left the country, but he didn’t. “I am linked too much to my Grodno area. Only here — despite all the bugging and surveillance — do I feel myself home, at my place. My escape would be a big gift for all those ‘Paberskis, Rushnitskis, Stefanoviches’ [officers dealing with his case], who are putting handcuffs on Belarussian society, who want to control the internet and are pulling my country back into totalitarian past.” he wrote in his blog a few days before his arrest.

There are five other journalists and members of Belarus Association of Journalists who are currently being prosecuted. Irina Khalip, Natallia Radzina, Alaksandr Fiaduta, Siarhei Vazniak, Pavel Seviarynets are accused of “mass riot participation” and “actions to violate blatantly the public order”. They all covered the 2010 campaign. Irina Khalip is the wife of Andrei Sannikov, the former presidential candidate who faces up to 15 years in prison. Natallia Radzina from popular opposition website Charter97 has reportedly left Belarus and sought asylum in Europe.

“Independent journalism in Belarus is a dangerous business as it is one of the main menaces to the regime”, Janna Litvina, chairwomen of the Belarus Association of Journalists recently said. According to Litvina, the current economic situation forces the regime to seek further confrontation with the press and to increase the prosecution of journalists. Meanwhile the interest in independent information has been growing “as never before”, she added.

On the internet journalists are even more open: “It seems Belarus’s regime has foreseen its ‘doomsday’ and now they try to shut every mouth, just to save their asses” — one journalist recently posted in her blog.

The number of jailed reporters now is incredible, even for Belarus. Lukashenko understands the concept “media solidarity”, each arrested journalist has a “special price” in his bargain with Europe.  Apparently he’s deliberately chosen the this path as a way of suppressing the media. He is ready for further sanctions from West.

Olga Birukova is a Belarusian journalist based in London

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Seven presidential candidates beaten and jailed, 26 journalists detained, 20 more injured. 639 protesters detained, hundreds beaten. The above is one way to briefly describe Belarus’s presidential elections on 19 December. The authorities provided other figures Much less striking figures: 90.65 per cent of population voted — 79.65 per cent of them for President Alexander Lukashenko. The statistics aren’t credible.

At Lukashenko’s first postelection press conference on 20 December he promised to crack down on internet freedom and “put an end to this stupid democracy”. So far he has kept his promise: a huge number of homes and offices have been searched. Equipment has been confiscated from Belarus’s NGOs and the independent media, including EU-funded Belsat, Euroradio, private Nasha Niva and others. The private flats of journalists and activists have been carefully combed.

On 29 December about 300 detainees were released after serving their full 10-day term. Around 300 have longer sentences. They will spend the New Year in prison. Another 26 people are still being held in KGB detention center. Among them are seven presidential candidates and members of their campaign teams, journalists Natalya Radzina (www.charter.97.org), Irina Khalip (from Russian newspaper Novaya Gazeta, she is also wife of Andrei Sannikov, who ran for presidency this year. Nasta Palajanka who is just 20 years old and helps run the opposition “Young Front”. They all are accused of  participating and organising mass disorder (article 293 of Belarus Criminal Code). If convicted they face spending up to 15 years in jail.

Strangely, this election result follows a three-year strategy of regime democratisation and the EU’s attempts “to tame monster Lukashenko”.

Even in Belarus, nobody expected such a twist. The ten wannabe presidents enjoyed relative freedom during electoral campaign, without any illusion about their popularity amongst the Belarusian people. But on election night the police used stun grenades and beat severely people during the final cleaning of the Nezalejnasci Square (Independence Square).

The rally was announced widely. After previous elections (2006, 2004) similar events gathered between 5-10,000 people. According my sources at least 15-20,000 people gathered together 19 December. Some reports had the crowd peaking at 40,000. According to Svaboda radio, at around 10pm a group of unknown people — widely believed to be state agents provocateurs — began to smash windows. This was the trigger for the riot police to sweep in.  Within an hour central Minsk was fully controlled by the militia and the military.

Why did Lukashenko choose now to give up “democratic decorations”? All Russian and Belarusian language analysis I read asks the same question.

Theories abound, some believe the 19 December operation was planned well in advance and just marked a start of new phase of a dictatorship which doesn’t need masks any more, and no longer cares about how its viewed in the west. According to this theory the goal was to terrify the average citizen in order to prevent future civil protests rest future and, possibly, to freeze developing relations with EU.

Others point out that several huge privatisations of state infrastructure are planned for 2011 in Belarus, giving the current team a incentive to stay in power at any price in order to receive the “benefits”. These theorists point out that to ensure a smooth redistribution Lukashenko will need to ensure both the media and civil movements are muted.

Riot police targeted and fought with media. They smashed cameras, directly attacked and jailed journalists, even those who had international accreditation, which normally serves as a “universal pass” in any situation in any country.

Journalists from Polish Gazeta Wyborcza, France Press, US-funded Liberty radio, Russia’s Novaya Gazeta as well as a number of leading Belarus journalists were detained albeit some very briefly. Correspondents from Associated Press, New York Times, Deutcshe Welle also reported injuries.

And yet, journalists kept working, uploading many frank and shocking reports. I could hardly believe my eyes watching recent video from Belarus. I have never seen before police beating so violently girls collapsed on the ground, while their friends desperately tried to cover their bodies. Bare hands against batons of professionals, bodies on the ground, blood on the snow and broken bones — this is the picture of elections 2010.

Belarusian activists beg the international community not to remain indifferent, they ask: “Will you, please, appeal to your national governments to condemn the actions of Belarusian authorities and TERMINATE ANY RELATIONS with the FASCIST regime in Belarus. Will you, please, address to the Belarusian state authorities and the diplomatic representations in your countries with a demand to release immediately ALL participants of peaceful protest actions in Minsk, including journalists and alternative Presidential candidates and to STOP repression in relation to the people that do not support the incumbent regime in Belarus. It is only COMMON EFFORTS that can improve the situation in Belarus”, reads a letter circulated on the web.

Will you?

Olga Birukova is a Belarusian journalist based in London

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