31 Jul 2019 | Italy, Journalism Toolbox Arabic
[vc_row][vc_column][vc_column_text]
البقاء على قيد الحياة
[/vc_column_text][vc_column_text]
هناك حاجة ماسة إلى الصحافة المحلية في إيطاليا، ولكن كما تفيد لورا سيلفيا باتاليا، فإن مجرد القيام بعملك الصحفي قد يعرّضك للخطر
[/vc_column_text][vc_column_text]
ساندرو رووتولو هو مراسل مخضرم اشتهر بعد أن أمضى سنوات عديدة في التحقيق بأعمال المافيا وعصابات الكامورا في جنوب إيطاليا. عمل في البداية مع مؤسسات إخبارية محلية قبل أن ينتقل للعمل مع التلفزيون الوطني. يقول رووتولو أن القدرة على القدرة على الاستمرار في تغطية التكاليف المالية ليست المشكلة الوحيدة التي تواجهها الوسائل الإخبارية المحلية – بل هناك أيضا مخاوف تتعلّق بموظفيها. يعمل رووتولو الآن في نابولي لدى “فانبايج”، وهي قناة تلفزيونية تبث عبر الويب لديها تسعة ملايين متابع. يقول رووتولو أن الصحف المحلية التي نجحت في النفاذ بجلدها من خلال “الانتقال…الى المنصات الرقمية” يجب ليس فقط أن تبتكر وتتكيف بل أيضا أن تتجنب أمرا حيويا لا يؤثّر فقط على المستوى الوطني، بل أيضا على المستوى المحلي وربما بشكل أكبر، ويعني بذلك مشكلة تضارب المصالح بين القيادة التحريرية والملكية المالية.
يقول رووتولو لإندكس: “عندما يقوم الصحفيون، وخاصة الصحفيون المحليون، بالتدقيق في تضارب المصالح هذا، لأنهم يؤمنون بالصحافة المستقلة، فإنهم يعرضون أنفسهم للخطر الجسدي. فحقيقة أنه لا يزال هناك ٢١ صحفياً، ٢٠ منهم يعملون في الصحافة المحليّة، يحتاجون لحراسة الشرطة بسبب تهديدات القتل التي وردتهم، هي أمر يلام عليه كل الصحفيين الآخرين الذين يرتبطون ارتباطاً وثيقاً بالسياسيين ويتوّرطون في تضارب المصالح هذا”.
حصل رووتولو على حراسة من الشرطة بعد أن تلقى تهديدات متعددة بالقتل. تم إبطال ذلك من قبل وزير الداخلية ماتيو سالفيني، قبل أن يتم إعادة فرضه. انتقد الناس قرار ابطال حراسته وهذا، كما يقول رووتولو، يؤكد على وجود عطش لدى الجمهور للصحافة النزيهة. يقول: “تثبت تجربتي أنه هناك تعطّش لدى الشعب الإيطالي للمعلومات… في عصر الجهل، يحاول الجمهور إعادة فرض حقه في سماع الحقيقة. بالنسبة لي، هذا أمر هو ذو أهمية سياسية هائلة”.
ترجمة دينيز موير
لورا سيلفيا باتاليا هي محرّرة مساعدة في إندكس
لماذا يجب أن نهتم بالصحافة المحلية؟
غالبًا ما تفتقر الصحافة المحلية في فرنسا وبلجيكا إلى الجرأة في مساءلة المسؤولين أو الشركات أو المؤسسات المحلية، أو في تغطية القضايا المثيرة للجدل. لكن على الرغم من ذلك، تقدّم الصحافة المحلية خدمة أساسية للمصلحة العامة عن طريق تقديم معلومات حول القضايا الهامة، والمساهمة في إنشاء فضاء للنقاش العام، وابراز انجازات العديد من الناس والمجتمعات الذين يشعرون بأنهم مهمّشين من قبل وسائل الإعلام الوطنية. إذن، يقوّض تقهقر الصحافة المحلية رسالة الصحافة ككل، ويخلق ثقوبًا سوداء في وقت أصبح فيه فهم قضايا المناطق الداخلية في كل البلدان أمرًا بالغ الأهمية. كما أن تراجع الصحافة المحلية قد يغذي اللعبة الشعوبية من خلال مفاقمة الشعور بـ “التخلي” والتهميش، وشعور سكّان هذه المناطق بأنهم يعيشون في قرى وبلدات منسية.
جان بول مارثوز، صحفي بلجيكي وكاتب عمود في “لو سوار”
[/vc_column_text][/vc_column][/vc_row]
31 Jul 2019 | Italy, Journalism Toolbox Spanish
[vc_row][vc_column][vc_custom_heading text=”Italia está muy necesitada de periodismo local, pero el trabajo de reportero puede llegar a ser peligroso. Informa Laura Silvia Battaglia”][/vc_column][/vc_row][vc_row][vc_column][vc_column_text]
Sandro Ruotolo es un veterano reportero de investigación, célebre por los años que se ha dedicado a investigar sobre la mafia y la camorra del sur de Italia. En sus inicios trabajaba para informativos locales; más adelante pasó a la televisión nacional. Según Ruotolo, la supervivencia financiera no es el único problema al que se enfrenta la prensa local: también tienen que preocuparse por su plantilla.
Actualmente, Ruotolo trabaja en Nápoles para Fanpage, un canal de televisión web con nueve millones de seguidores, y afirma que los periódicos locales que han conseguido “salvarse con la transición a lo digital” han de innovar y adaptarse. A esto se le añade lidiar con un problema que, si bien existe a nivel nacional, localmente se nota más: el conflicto de intereses entre la directiva editorial y la propiedad financiera.
Explica para Index: “Los periodistas, especialmente los locales, se exponen al peligro cuando se lanzan a indagar sobre esa fusión de intereses, guiados por una fe en el periodismo independiente. El hecho de que aún queden 21 reporteros con escolta policial, 20 de ellos a nivel local, a raíz de las amenazas de muerte que han recibido, es por culpa del resto de periodistas que se vinculan estrechamente con políticos y cultivan conflictos de intereses de este tipo”.
A Ruotolo, que ha recibido múltiples amenazas de muerte, también le asignaron una escolta policial. El ministro del interior, Matteo Salvini, revocó la medida antes de volver a instaurarla. La decisión de retirarle la seguridad recibió críticas del público, lo cual, según Ruotolo, indica una sed de información veraz.
“Mi experiencia demuestra que el pueblo italiano quiere estar informado —dice—. En esta época de ignorancia, el público está reclamando su derecho a oír la verdad; cosa que, a mi parecer, tiene una gran importancia política”.
[/vc_column_text][vc_column_text]Laura Silvia Battaglia es redactora adjunta en Index[/vc_column_text][/vc_column][/vc_row][vc_row][vc_column][vc_column_text]
¿Por qué debería importarnos el periodismo local?
La prensa local de Francia y Bélgica a menudo ha demostrado una falta de valor a la hora de insistir en que dirigentes, empresas o instituciones rindan cuentas, o de cubrir noticias potencialmente polémicas. No obstante, siempre ha ofrecido un servicio de interés público esencial, como es informar sobre ciertos temas, contribuir a la formación de un debate público y dar visibilidad a individuos y comunidades que han sido ignoradas por los medios nacionales (o se hayan sentido así). La desaparición del periodismo local socava la práctica del periodismo al completo, generando agujeros negros en un momento en el que es crucial comprender lo que pasa “en los pueblos”. Una ausencia así amenazaría la entrada en un juego de populismo al exacerbar la sensación en esas regiones de haberse quedado “tiradas”, olvidadas o estar viviendo en ciudades y pueblos “de paso” o “en medio de la nada”.
[/vc_column_text][/vc_column][/vc_row][vc_row][vc_column][vc_column_text]Jean-Paul Marthoz, periodista belga y columnista para Le Soir
Traducción de Arrate Hidalgo Sánchez[/vc_column_text][/vc_column][/vc_row]
19 Sep 2017 | Europe and Central Asia, Italy, Mapping Media Freedom, News and features
[vc_row][vc_column][vc_column_text]
Italian journalist Paolo Borrometi.
Italian journalist Paolo Borrometi was forced to move to Rome from Sicily because of threats he was receiving connected with his reporting on organised crime. Borrometi’s story is far from unique. He is one of the 20 journalists currently under police escort in Italy.
In May 2014, Borrometi was beaten by two hooded men near his home after he asked citizens to report any relevant information to investigators about a two-year-old murder. The assault did not deter his reporting on organised crime, nor did a vandalism incident in which the front door of his parent’s home was destroyed in an arson attack.
Despite being forced to relocate to Rome for security reasons, Borrometi’s work uncovering mafia activities continued, as did the almost constant intimidation he faced. This summer a group of unidentified people raided his home, stealing computer hard disks and a series of documents related to his investigations.
The Italian Interior Ministry released official figures of the number of journalists under police protection for the first time in June 2017 to highlight the growing phenomenon.
Borrometi works as editor-in-chief of a local webzine, LaSpia.it, and is a contributor to several other media outlets as a freelancer. Without a regular salary, he needs to keep publishing to earn a living. Many Italian journalists are in the same position financially. According to Nicola Marini, a board member of the Association of Journalists (Ordine dei Giornalisti), which monitors the ethical conduct of journalists, eight out of ten Italian journalists earn less than €10,000 per year.
Beppe Giulietti, the president of the Italian journalists’ trade union FNSI, recounted a conversation he had with Borrometi after the interior ministry decided to put him under escort: “He was worried this situation could interfere with his job.” For freelance reporters a mafia threat does not just affect personal safety, it creates a serious obstacle to performing their jobs. Conducting a simple interview becomes a lot harder when the reporter is followed by a group of policemen. But without them, Borrometi’s life would be in serious danger.
“Compared to the past, the current situation for journalists shows fewer mafia killings,” Giulietti told Index on Censorship. “But sometimes physical threats are not necessary.”
Indeed the economic situation for Italian journalists is harsh and, as Giulietti said, “a defamation lawsuit could be as lethal as a bullet”. Many journalists stop working on investigations because of the risk of lawsuits. If they were sued they wouldn’t be able to afford the economic risks. The result is self-censorship.
Many lawsuits have no legal basis. The Italian permanent observatory on threats to journalists, Ossigeno, estimates that one-third of defamation claims in Italy originate from allegedly mafia-connected people or lobbies.
These cases are often civil and the plaintiff demands enormous amounts of money even though the claim is created as a pretext and the alleged damage is minimal. Quite often the aim is only to intimidate.
The financial fragility of journalists has led to a phenomenon that Alberto Spampinato, president of Ossigeno, calls “the Italian paradox”. Italy has a long history of journalists killed by mafia-affiliated killers, especially during the late 1980s and 1990s. This situation brings growing attention to the link between freedom of information and organised crime.
After an initially strong reaction from the public, things usually turn silent. Ossigeno, which was founded in 2007 after three journalists and writers – Roberto Saviano, Lirio Abbate and Rosaria Capacchione – were put under police escort, aims to put a continuous spotlight on threats to journalists. The Italian public is aware of the problem but politicians are not reactive, according to both Spampinato and Giulietti. Freedom of information, especially related to the nexus between organised crime, politics and corruption is constantly under siege.
The Italian parliament is currently discussing a new law to avoid the complete transcriptions of the intercepted conversations, “but no one is taking care of the lawsuits based on weak grounds which are only made to intimidate journalists (in Italian defined as “querela temeraria”), although the trade union has already highlighted this problem,” Giulietti said. The president of the journalists’ trade union wants to stress how politicians are focused only in amending the system not to publish news that could affect them, rather than amending a concrete vulnus in freedom of journalists.
According to the latest Ossigeno report, reporting on organised crime is harder for people who live in remote places. Local journalists often feel pressure from local officials and criminal syndicated, Spampinato explained.
For example, in Rho, a small town in the outskirts of Milan, the newsroom of the local newspaper, Settegiorni, was vandalised by a group of unknown people three times in three months, the latest incident occurring on 3 September. The newspaper has been working on an investigation about the presence of the criminal syndicate ‘Ndrangheta in Rho, according to editor-in-chief Angelo Baiguini.
Though politicians are slow to act, some parts of the Italian parliament are monitoring the situation. The Parliamentary Anti-Mafia Commission set up a Committee on Mafia, Journalism and Media. In August 2015 the Committee highlighted that there are southern Italian regions where media publishers have an “opaque management”, involved in judiciary case, even for alleged external support to mafia syndications. Obviously they are willing to stop muckrakers digging into their businesses.
Up until now, there have been no solutions to this problem from a legal perspective. This leaves many good reporters at risk and makes in-depth reporting about organised crime ever more difficult. [/vc_column_text][/vc_column][/vc_row][vc_row][vc_column][vc_basic_grid post_type=”post” max_items=”4″ element_width=”6″ grid_id=”vc_gid:1505821805138-929619f7-ec4b-9″ taxonomies=”193, 6564″][/vc_column][/vc_row]
11 Dec 2015 | Italy, Mapping Media Freedom, mobile, News and features
For weeks, Rome has been transfixed by the spectacle of the “Capital Mafia” trial, which began on 5 November. The prosecutors are laying bare an alleged network of corrupt relationships between politicians and criminal syndicates in the city. The scandal involves the misappropriation of funding that was destined for city services, according to prosecutors.
But the biggest surprise wasn’t in that “Captial Mafia” courtroom, it was at the district attorney’s office where a complaint filed by the criminal lawyers association denounced 97 journalists for violating the secrecy of investigations, which is a crime under article 114 of the country’s code of criminal procedure. Italy’s foremost and well-respected crime and courts reporters, as well as 24 chief editors, also stand accused of breaching the ethical norms of their profession.
The accusations against the journalists and editors stem from two waves of arrests — December 2014 and June 2015 — of defendants in the “Captial Mafia” trial. The coverage of the arrests and subsequent investigations generated 278 articles across 14 Italian newspapers. The published reports included details gleaned from arrest warrants of 81 people, including politicians, public administrators and alleged members of the mafia. The contents of the warrants were known to the police, prosecutors, the accused and their lawyers, but still formally subject to publication limits until the conclusion of investigations.
The lawyers that made the accusations believe that the journalists should have rigidly respected the limits and that the facts should not have been reported even if they were known to the parties involved.
Supporters of the journalists maintain that the case is too important and that it is vital for newspapers and journalists to inform Italians as fully as possible, especially in connection with a scandal of such vast proportions. Some see it as a form of legal intimidation that cannot be punished and a move to force the case against the defendants to be dismissed in the public mind as a journalistic fiction.
“We are facing a clear attempt to muzzle the press and the journalists. The journalists denounced have reported news that were not covered by the code,” Raffaele Lorusso, general secretary of National Federation of the Italian Press (FNSI), told Index on Censorship. “It is as if these lawyers want to tell to journalists: “Do not write more news concerning our direct beneficiaries otherwise you will be sued.”
One of the defendant’s lawyers denigrated Lirio Abbate, an investigative journalist and 2015 Index on Censorship Journalism Award nominee, who reported mafia activities. For his trouble, Abbate lives under 24-hour police protection due to death threats.
Currently, the decision to pursue charges against the journalists rests with the Court of Rome. Those involved could potentially face trial and a disciplinary penalty.
Mapping Media Freedom
Click on the bubbles to view reports or double-click to zoom in on specific regions. The full site can be accessed at https://mappingmediafreedom.org/
|
