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[vc_row][vc_column][vc_column_text]Pushkin Club, Rights in Russia and Index on Censorship are proud to invite you to this evening in conversation with Anastasia Zotova.
An opportunity to meet someone whose name has been constantly in the news since Ildar Dadin was arrested under a new law banning solitary protests in Russia.
A journalist covering Dadin’s courageous one-man pickets against the Putin regime and the war in Ukraine, Zotova married the detained Dadin in late 2015 and continued to publicise his plight after his imprisonment in a penal colony in Karelia, where he was tortured, and his subsequent transfer to another camp in southern Siberia. Husband and wife have done more than anyone, arguably, to expose conditions in Russia’s large and brutal penitentiary system which today holds dozens more political prisoners.
The event will be held both in English and in Russian with translation.
Ebrahim Sharif, third from left, Farida Ghulam, second from left, and family.
Farida Ghulam, the wife of Ebrahim Sharif, the former secretary-general of Bahraini opposition group National Democratic Action Society (Wa’ad), has written an open letter to political and human rights institutions worldwide calling for solidarity against the dissolution of Wa’ad.
Written on behalf of the secular political party, Ghulam’s letter asks for national figures, Arab organisations and international institutions to help “protect the little remaining freedoms enjoyed by Bahrainis that have been undermined over the past few years”.
On 6 March 2017, the Ministry of Justice filed a lawsuit calling for the dissolution of Wa’ad following a statement made by the political societies of the National Democratic Movement, a secular group of which Wa’ad is a part, demanding a “comprehensive national consensus to end the political and constitutional crisis” in Bahrain.
The Ministry of Justice, the body administratively responsible for political organisations in Bahrain, has accused Wa’ad of “advocating violence” and supporting an “environment that incubates terrorism”, arguing that statements made by the political societies represented a departure from established principles.
The first hearing of the case against Wa’ad took place on the 20 March 2017 and the final hearing is scheduled for the 17 April 2017, with a judgment expected to be passed within one month.
The time of the comments made by the National Democratic Movement marks six years since the end of the pro-democracy movement in Bahrain, which saw numerous protests take place in opposition to the repressive government.
The authorities’ retaliation to the peaceful demonstrations of its citizens resulted in the injury of more than 30 protesters. Recent years have seen an increase in government repression, arrests — with many tried in military courts — and revocation of citizenship for hundreds of Bahrainis.
The US State Department has recorded the continued violation of human rights in the Arab nation and the Bahraini authorities’ preferred use of security measures over the pursuit of diplomatic solutions obtained through a negotiated political settlement. The political climate in Bahrain has led to increased hardships for the country’s citizens, amplified by an economic crisis.
Wa’ad, the first established secular party opposition in Bahrain, questions the legitimacy of the current Bahraini constitution. It upholds the principles of democracy, equality and freedom of thought and belief. Despite its failure to win any seats in the 2006 parliamentary elections, Wa’ad, led by Sharif between 2005 and 2012, has retained a high media profile.
Ghulam’s letter indicates that the Ministry of Justice has purposely failed to refer to key documents, statements and positions taken by Wa’ad and other opposition groups in building its case, including the Manama Document issued in October 2011 and the Declaration of Principles of Nonviolence presented in November 2012. This confirms Wa’ad’s commitment to “peaceful means, rejection of violence and adoption of dialogue and consensus building to find solutions in political differences”.
Ghulam also says that the authorities have taken and interpreted words from Wa’ad statements “at will and out of context”.
Actions taken by the Bahraini authorities to dissolve Wa’ad follow their crackdown on opposition parties since the mass protests of 2011, with two other opposition groups dissolved as a result of similar lawsuits. Islamic Action Association (Amal) was brought to an end in 2012 and its secretary-general, Sheikh Mohammed Ali Almahfood, was given a five-year prison sentence. 2016 saw the dissolution of the nation’s largest political organisation, Al-Wefaq National Islamic Society. Secretary-general Sheikh Ali Salman was sentenced to nine years in prison. The citizenship of the group’s spiritual leader, Sheikh Isa Qasim, was also revoked.
In addition to actions taken against Wa’ad, new charges were also brought against Sharif earlier this month following a series of tweets. The political activist was charged with “incitement to hatred against the regime” under article 165 of Bahrain’s penal code following messages posted on his Twitter account.
The former Wa’ad leader was imprisoned and tortured in 2011 for his role in campaigning against Bahrain’s political regime alongside a group of other human rights advocates known as the Bahrain 13. He was rearrested in 2015 a few weeks after his initial release, following a speech where he called for sustained peaceful opposition against the country’s authorities.
Sharif also faced charges in November 2016 after comments he made to the Associated Press regarding Prince Charles’ visit to Bahrain, although these were later dropped. He now faces a further three years in prison.
Kürt Yazarlar Dernegi, tarihi Sur ilçesindeki eski Diyarbakir evlerinden birini Özgür Gazeteciler Cemiyeti ile birlikte kullaniyordu. Dernegin es baskanlari Reso Ronahî ile Yildiz Çakar, üyeleriyle birlikte dernegin avlusunda bekliyorlar. Dernegin kapisi yeni mühürlenmis.
The Kurdish Writers Association used one of the old Diyarbakır houses in the historical Sur district together with the Free Journalists Society. The association’s co-presidents, Reso Ronahî and Yıldız Çakar, wait outside the association together with members. The association’s doors have been newly sealed [by authorities].
Jiyan Tv Kürtçenin Zazaki lehçesinde yayin yapan ilk televizyon kanaliydi.
Jiyan TV was the first TV channel to broadcast in the Zaza dialect of Kurdish.
Diyarbakir’da Kürtçe ve Türkçe yayin yapan Özgür Gün Tv, KHK ile kapatildi.
Özgür Gün TV, which broadcast in Diyarbakır in Kurdish and Turkish, was closed by Executive Order.
Pek çok il ve ilçede subeleri bulunan Kurdi Der, Kanun Hükmünde Kararname ile kapatildi.
Kurdi-Der (The Kurdish Language Research and Development Association), which had branches in many towns and cities, was closed by Executive Order.
Kürtçe oyunlar sahneleyerek Kürt tiyatrosuna önemli katkilarda bulunan Diyarbakir Büyüksehir Belediyesi Sehir Tiyatrosu, Olaganüstü Hal’in ilanindan sonra kapatilmadi. Ancak belediyeye kayyim ataninca tiyatrocularin tamami isten çikarildi ve tiyatro fiilen kapatilmis oldu.
The Diyarbakır Metropolitan Municipality City Theatre, which has made important contributions to Kurdish theatre by putting on Kurdish-language plays, was not closed after the declaration of a state of emergency. However, when a trustee was appointed to the municipality, all the theatre employees were fired and the theatre was de facto closed down.
Kürtçe oyunlar sahneleyerek Kürt tiyatrosuna önemli katkilarda bulunan Diyarbakir Büyüksehir Belediyesi Sehir Tiyatrosu, Olaganüstü Hal’in ilanindan sonra kapatilmadi. Ancak belediyeye kayyim ataninca tiyatrocularin tamami isten çikarildi ve tiyatro fiilen kapatilmis oldu.
The Diyarbakır Metropolitan Municipality City Theatre, which has made important contributions to Kurdish theatre by putting on Kurdish-language plays, was not closed after the declaration of a state of emergency. However, when a trustee was appointed to the municipality, all the theatre employees were fired and the theatre was de facto closed down.
Dicle Haber Ajansi kurulusundan bu yana çok defa polis tarafindan basildi ve haber konusu oldu. editör ve muhabirleri topluca gözaltina alindi. Internet sitesinin erisimi, 2015’ten kapatildigi 2016 yilina kadar 48 defa engellendi.
From the time the Dicle News Agency was established to the present day, the police have often raided it and it has often been in the news. Its editors and reporters were arrested en masse. Access to the internet site was blocked 48 times in 2015 and 2016.
Dicle Firat Kültür Merkezi, Mezopotamya Kültür Merkezi’nin Diyarbakir’daki subesi. Burada müzik, halk oyunlari, resim gibi kurslar veriliyordu.
The Tigris and Euphrates Cultural Centre was the Diyarbakır branch of the Mesopotamia Cultural Centre. Here there were courses given in areas such as music, folk dancing, and painting.
Kayapinar Belediyesi’ne ait Cegerxwin Kültür Merkezi, adini ünlü Kürt sair Cegerxwin’den aliyor. Sanatin bir çok dalinda egitim veren kurum, bugüne kadar yüzlerce ögrenci mezun etti. Cegerxwin Kültür Merkezi’nin bir de sergi salonu var.
The Cegerxwîn Cultural Centre belonging to Kayapınar Council takes its name from the famous Kurdish poet Cegerxwîn. Hundreds of students have graduated from the institution, which provides education in many branches of the arts. There is also an exhibition hall at Cegerxwîn Cultural Centre.
Kayapinar Belediyesi’ne ait Cegerxwin Kültür Merkezi, adini ünlü Kürt sair Cegerxwin’den aliyor. Sanatin bir çok dalinda egitim veren kurum, bugüne kadar yüzlerce ögrenci mezun etti. Cegerxwin Kültür Merkezi’nin bir de sergi salonu var.
The Cegerxwîn Cultural Centre belonging to Kayapınar Council takes its name from the famous Kurdish poet Cegerxwîn. Hundreds of students have graduated from the institution, which provides education in many branches of the arts. There is also an exhibition hall at Cegerxwîn Cultural Centre.
Cewgerxwin Kültür Merkezi.
Cegerxwîn Cultural Centre.
Türkiye’de Kürtçe yayinlanan ilk günlük gazete olan Azadiya Welat, KHK ile kapatildi.
Turkey’s first daily newspaper in Kurdish, Azadiya Welat, was closed with a state of emergency order.
Merkezi Diyarbakir’da bulunan Azadî Tv, Kürtçe ve Türkçe yayin yapiyordu.
Azadî TV, whose headquarters are located in Diyarbakır, used to broadcast in Kurdish and Turkish.
150’den fazla sergiye ev sahipligi yapan Amed Sanat Galerisi, Diyarbakir Büyüksehir Belediyesi’ne kayyim ataninca sanata kapilarini kapatti.
The Amed Art Gallery, which has played host to over 150 exhibitions, closed its doors to art after a trustee was appointed to Diyarbakır Metropolitan Municipality.[/vc_column_text][vc_column_text]
Turkey Uncensored is an Index on Censorship project to publish a series of articles from censored Turkish writers, artists and translators.
[vc_row][vc_column][vc_single_image image=”86316″ img_size=”full” alignment=”center”][vc_column_text]This article is authored bya researcher who has requested anonymity.
Much has been publicised about the crackdown on freedom of expression in the aftermath of the failed coup attempt that transpired on the night of 15 July 2016 in Turkey. This is not the first time that Turkey has experienced a military coup; indeed, violent overthrows of elected governments had already occurred in 1960, 1971 and 1980.
In 1997, the military intervened once more, this by issuing a memorandum that aimed to rein in the Islamist agenda of Prime Minister Necmettin Erbakan and his Welfare Party Government. Widely called a “postmodern coup” the military effectively forced him out of office. Each of these coups has engendered a rupture in Turkish political life and has profoundly impacted the realm of arts and culture.
This quality of rupture was perhaps nowhere more contoured than in the military take-over of 12 September 1980, during whichthe junta under the leadership of Kenan Evren pursued “mass imprisonment, systematic torture, and disappearances” of oppositional, and especially leftist forces. The actual extent of the human rights violations that occurred has yet to be investigated in full but a few figures published by the Istanbul-based Truth, Justice and Memory Center give a glimpse of the social, political and cultural toll of the coup: “according to statistics, approximately 650,000 people were taken into custody, more than 1.5 million were blacklisted by the state, a quarter of a million were put on trial, and 300 lost their lives in various ways.”
Along with disbanding labour unions and limiting freedom of assembly and freedom of the press, the military junta also curtailed academic and artistic expression by establishing the state-controlled Higher Education Council (YÖK) and instituting various mechanisms to pre-screen and censor artworks, especially literary production and films, for years to come. What is often overlooked, however, is that each of these coups has also produced erasure and forgetting in the cultural history of Turkey, not least by curtailing associational life.
Associations that artists were part of were never simply closed, their archives were confiscated too. In this way, the memory of their work was not merely delegitimized but the material traces were likewise destroyed or made inaccessible to the generations that followed. While this dynamic has affected the realm of arts and culture in Turkey in general, the persecution, repression and erasures of Kurdish cultural and artistic production have certainly been the most consistent.
As Kurdish was long classified as an “unrecognised language”, and the existence of Kurds has long been denied in Turkey, Kurdish artistic production has been criminalised and frequently classified as separatist propaganda. Along with individual artists and works of art, Kurdish associational life – as a bedrock of artistic production and cultural reproduction that facilitates the transfer practices, knowledge and memory have been repeatedly targeted; their archives were confiscated and (possibly) destroyed many times over.
What sets this time apart, however, is that the coup attempt actually – and importantly – failed. Yet, the state of emergency declared on 21 July 2016, billed as a necessary tool to investigate the coup and bring the plotters to justice has expanded beyond members of the Gülenist movement to oppositional groups overall by way of Turkey’s vague anti-terrorism legislation. With the extension of the power of the state apparatus, we are, oncemore witnessing attacks on the field of culture and the arts in general, and Kurdish artistic production in particular.
As investigative journalist Elif İnce reported in January 2017: “Over 1,400 associations and foundations have been shut down with the state of emergency decrees […]. Kurdish arts and culture associations with prominent theatre companies, such as Seyr–î Mesel in Istanbul and various branches of the Mesopotamia Cultural Centre (MKM), are among those permanently shut.”
From September 2016 onwards the AKP government ordered state-appointed trustees to take over the municipalities of several Kurdish cities that had been governed by the pro-Kurdish HDP; their mayors are now facing various charges of aiding and abetting terrorists, and separatist propaganda. These municipalities had been supportive of Kurdish artistic production, both establishing new avenues for artists and assisting initiatives that had been built arduously through grassroots efforts during decades of violence and insecurity. Among the current cases of repression, the de facto closure of the Amed Art Gallery in Diyarbakir through the Ankara-appointed trustee left the city without public facilities to exhibit visual art. The municipal theatre, lauded by the AKP government just a few years ago for performing Hamlet in Kurdish, has likewise been disbanded. The same is true for the city theatres of Batman and Hakkari.
This recent wave of repressions has included sealing off performance and rehearsal spaces, and the confiscation of archives, props, and other equipment. It has extended from municipal theatres in the Kurdish regions to theatre groups affiliated with Kurdish arts and culture associations across the country. Archives are now digital and can be more easily saved, quite in contrast to the 1990s when the MKM were raided repeatedly, threatened by closure, their members often harassed and charged with separatist propaganda based on the mere fact that they pursued artistic production in Kurdish. The Kurdish cultural landscape has been very resilient and experienced in navigating these kinds of repression – and the erasures they engender. But will the same be true for the rest of Turkey’s art world?
Access to the past, to cultural and artistic memory, is intimately connected to freedom of expression. Along with human rights and democratic institutions, cultural memory is once again at stake, and under risk to be erased in Turkey. [/vc_column_text][vc_column_text]
Turkey Uncensored is an Index on Censorship project to publish a series of articles from censored Turkish writers, artists and translators.
[vc_row][vc_column][vc_single_image image=”89329″ img_size=”full” add_caption=”yes” alignment=”center”][vc_custom_heading text=”Mexico-based journalist DUNCAN TUCKER writes in the spring 2017 issue on reporting in a country where news is not just repressed, it’s fabricated, and journalists face violent threats from police and cartels. ” google_fonts=”font_family:Libre%20Baskerville%3Aregular%2Citalic%2C700|font_style:400%20italic%3A400%3Aitalic”][/vc_column][/vc_row][vc_row][vc_column][vc_column_text]
“I hope the government doesn’t give in to the authoritarian temptation to block internet coverage and start arresting activists,” Mexican blogger and activist Alberto Escorcia told Index on Censorship magazine.
Escorcia had just received a series of threats for writing an article about recent unrest in the country. The next day the threats against him intensified. Feeling trapped and unprotected, he began making plans to flee the country.
Many people are concerned about the state of freedom of expression in Mexico. A stagnant economy, a currency in freefall, a bloody drug war with no end in sight, a deeply unpopular president at home and the belligerent Donald Trump administration freshly installed in the USA across the border, these forces are all creating a squeeze in 2017.
One of the biggest tensions is Mexico’s own president. Enrique Peña Nieto’s four years in office have brought sluggish economic growth. There has also been resurgent violence and a string of corruption scandals. In January this year his approval ratings plummeted to 12%.
But when journalists have tried to report on the president and his policies they have come under fire. For example, 2017 began with intense protests after Peña Nieto announced a 20% hike in petrol prices. Days of demonstrations, blockades, looting and confrontations with police left at least six people dead and more than 1,500 arrested. The Committee to Protect Journalists reported that police beat, threatened or briefly detained at least 19 reporters, who were covering the unrest in the northern states of Coahuila and Baja California.
News was not just suppressed, it was fabricated. Mass hysteria enveloped Mexico City as legions of Twitter bots incited violence and spread false reports of further looting, causing the temporary closure of 20,000 small businesses.
“I’ve never seen Mexico City like this,” Escorcia said over the phone from his home in the capital. “There are more police than normal. There are helicopters flying above us every hour and you can hear sirens constantly. Even though there hasn’t been any looting in this part of the city, people think it’s happening everywhere.”
Duncan Tucker is a freelance journalist, based in Guadalajara, Mexico. The rest of this article is available online here. This article is part of a series in the spring 2017 issue of Index on Censorship magazine that looks at situations where free speech is being restricted from multiple sides. You can read about all of the other content in the magazine here.
Bloggers and citizen journalists are telling the stories that the mainstream Mexican media no longer dares to report, says Ana Arana.[/vc_column_text][/vc_column_inner][vc_column_inner width=”1/3″][vc_single_image image=”89168″ img_size=”213×300″ alignment=”center” onclick=”custom_link” link=”http://journals.sagepub.com/doi/pdf/10.1080/03064220902734319″][vc_custom_heading text=”Wall of silence” font_container=”tag:p|font_size:24|text_align:left” link=”url:http%3A%2F%2Fjournals.sagepub.com%2Fdoi%2Fpdf%2F10.1080%2F03064220902734319|||”][vc_column_text]February 2009
Analysis of the culture of intimidation facing investigative journalists in Mexico — from attacks on reporters to criminal activity.[/vc_column_text][/vc_column_inner][vc_column_inner width=”1/3″][vc_single_image image=”94760″ img_size=”213×300″ alignment=”center” onclick=”custom_link” link=”http://journals.sagepub.com/doi/pdf/10.1080/03064227608532576″][vc_custom_heading text=”Guessing game” font_container=”tag:p|font_size:24|text_align:left” link=”url:http%3A%2F%2Fjournals.sagepub.com%2Fdoi%2Fpdf%2F10.1080%2F03064227608532576|||”][vc_column_text]April 1983
The unpredictability of Mexican government crackdown keeps the press guessing, making them careful with what they publish. [/vc_column_text][/vc_column_inner][/vc_row_inner][vc_separator][/vc_column][/vc_row][vc_row][vc_column width=”1/3″][vc_custom_heading text=”The Big Squeeze” font_container=”tag:p|font_size:24|text_align:left” link=”url:https%3A%2F%2Fwww.indexoncensorship.org%2Fnewsite02may%2Fmagazine|||”][vc_column_text]The spring 2017 issue of Index on Censorship magazine looks at multi-directional squeezes on freedom of speech around the world.
Also in the issue: newly translated fiction from Karim Miské, columns from Spitting Image creator Roger Law and former UK attorney general Dominic Grieve, and a special focus on Poland.[/vc_column_text][/vc_column][vc_column width=”1/3″][vc_single_image image=”88788″ img_size=”medium” alignment=”center” onclick=”custom_link” link=”https://www.indexoncensorship.org/newsite02may/magazine”][/vc_column][vc_column width=”1/3″][vc_custom_heading text=”Subscribe” font_container=”tag:p|font_size:24|text_align:left” link=”url:https%3A%2F%2Fwww.indexoncensorship.org%2Fnewsite02may%2Fsubscribe%2F|||”][vc_column_text]In print, online. In your mailbox, on your iPad.
Subscription options from £18 or just £1.49 in the App Store for a digital issue.
Every subscriber helps support Index on Censorship’s projects around the world.
[vc_row][vc_column][vc_column_text]In a Russian republic marked by a clash between the rule of law, the weight of traditions, and the growing influence of Islamic fundamentalism, Daptar, a website run by journalists Zakir Magomedov and Svetlana Anokhina, covers the issues affecting women that receive little coverage by other local media. Daptar seeks to promote debate. The small team of journalists, working alongside a volunteer lawyer and psychologist, also tries to provide help to the women they are in touch with.
Index spoke to Magomedov ahead of the Freedom of Expression Awards.
Ryan McChrystal: What led you to set up Daptar?
Zakir Magomedov: I am a journalist from Dagestan. A few years ago I worked for a human rights organisation there, helping people mistreated by the police. During that time we received a lot of statements from victims of domestic and sexual violence. In Dagestan there are a lot of human rights organisations, but they are human rights organisations in name only – they don’t actually do anything, especially when it comes to women’s rights.
I decided it would be a good idea to create a website for women, which we started in 2014. We write a lot of articles about domestic violence and honour killings in Dagestan, Chechnya and other North Caucasus regions. And our content isn’t just about women’s problems; we also profile women doing well in business, sports and other areas.
McChrystal: What does the name “Daptar” mean?
Magomedov: It’s an Arabic word that means different things in different caucuses. In the Chechen language it means copybook. In one of the Dagestani languages it means diary.
McChrystal: How is Daptar staffed?
Magomedov: It’s just me and my colleague Svetlana. I am like the director and she is the editor. These are positions without money or salary. The little funds we do receive go towards paying journalists for their articles, for example. We also worked with a lawyer and a psychologist for online consultation services, but now we haven’t any support. I often spend my own money to pay for articles.
We sometimes got support from some local businessmen, but it wasn’t enough. But Svetlana and I aren’t working for money. For me, it’s about doing something good.
McChrystal: How has the lawyer helped?
Magomedov: In one case, the child of a woman from Dagestan was kidnapped by her ex-husband. The woman was beaten. He then took gasoline and said if she didn’t sign papers to say the children could live with him, he would burn her.
After that, she came to us and we took her to the police to give her statement. Every day during that month, I waited for her after work to walk her home because she feared her ex-husband would come. In the end, she got her child and is now living in Russia. We helped her move from Dagestan.
McChrystal: Why do journalists in the region seem to neglect these issues? What are the main difficulties?
Magomedov: In Dagestan, for example, there is freedom of speech, but local journalists don’t cover women’s problems. I don’t know why – perhaps they don’t want to work with unpopular topics, or maybe it’s because of the dangerous.
When we wrote an article about FGM we got a lot of abuse from the internet, especially directed at Svetlana. She got very depressed when a lot of people wrote things like: “we’re going to kill you”, “we’re going to destroy your website”, “you shouldn’t write about this topic”, “you are lying”.
Many suppose we were lying about the extent of FGM, domestic violence and honour killings.
McChrystal: You say Svetlana has suffered quite badly as a result of Daptar’s work. Is it any easier for you as a man to speak out on these issues?
Magomedov: It was difficult for me at first. I was born and grew up in this society. My friends would call me a feminist and say things like: “Today you write about women’s issues and tomorrow it’ll be LGBT issues.” They didn’t mean this in a good way. They would say horrible things, but I’m OK with that. I can write about these topics just like an ordinary journalist with a job.
I was the first person to write about women’s circumcising in Dagestan and I got bullied a lot for that. I don’t care though.
McChrystal: What is it about the culture in Dagestan that makes a word like “feminism” such a dirty word?
Magomedov: It is definitely a dirty word in Dagestan, especially for men. This is a patriarchal society. The culture is that a women’s place is the kitchen. She should just look after the children and be a housewife. Anyone writing about women’s rights is seen as an enemy. The word “feminist” is a dirty word in Russian, but in Dagestan it is especially negative. But I have no problem with calling myself a feminist.
McChrystal: Your investigation into FGM last year went a long way to breaking the silence around the practice by fostering a nation-wide debate. This must make you very proud. What other investigations are you proud of in the last year?
Magomedov: The generation gap among Chechens means that a lot of older relatives don’t like the behaviour of their children. They don’t it like when Chechen girls have dates or are meeting with guys, especially if they aren’t Chechen guys. It all brings shame on that person. There have been a few situations where parents take their girls and kill them. We are currently investigating these cases. We worked with an expert in Chechnya on this issue.
We also cover dress codes in Chechnya, because officials there want girls to wear the hijab. We wrote about divorce in the region and one story in particular where one murdered woman’s sister wasn’t able to get justice for her in court.
Children with HIV is a big issue in Chechnya, and we’ve done work in this area. We cover a lot of stories, and all of them are very important.
McChrystal: What have been some of the more positive reactions to Daptar?
Magomedov: I won’t lie – we haven’t really seen much of a positive reaction. After the work on FGM, we met with Muslim leaders in Dagestan. They acknowledged it was a big problem and said we shouldn’t talk about it, we should write more and more articles, even in religious newspapers. But it was just one meeting and nothing happened after that.
We do hear stories from and about women we have aided or encouraged, including the eight victims of domestic violence we helped last year.[/vc_column_text][/vc_column][/vc_row][vc_row][vc_column][vc_basic_grid post_type=”post” max_items=”4″ element_width=”6″ grid_id=”vc_gid:1492084802623-2cd71c55-f5dc-8″][/vc_column][/vc_row]
Ildar Dadin is a Russian human rights activist who was the first, and remains the only, person to be convicted under a notorious 2014 public assembly law aimed at quashing protest. For his one-man demonstrations, Dadin – a nominee for this year’s Index on Censorship Freedom of Expression Awards – was sentenced, in 2015, to three years in prison, where he was tortured. Despite the sudden and unexpected quashing of his conviction in February of this year, Dadin remains subject to a travel ban which prevents him from leaving Russia. As a result, he is unable to join us in person.
The Henry Jackson Society, in association with Index on Censorship, is pleased to invite you to an event with Anastasia Zotova, Human rights activist and wife of Ildar Dadin. She has worked closely with him throughout his incarceration, fought for his release and has since campaigned alongside him. She will join us to shed a timely light on the increasingly dangerous environment for dissenters in Russia, the appalling conditions faced by Russia’s prisoners, and the future for political opposition in the country.
Anastasia Zotova is a journalist, human rights campaigner and wife of Russian political activist Ildar Dadin. Zotova, a daughter of two Putin supporters, first met Dadin whilst working as a journalist covering his protests. When he was imprisoned, she decided to marry Dadin, allowing the couple to maintain contact. Zotova subsequently worked to protect and defend her husband, using her position to fight for his release, speak out against the torture he and fellow inmates were facing and draw attention to wider Russian human rights abuses. With Dadin now facing a travel ban, she is an important international advocate.
Ildar Dadin is a Russian opposition activist. He was the first, and remains the only, person to be convicted under a notorious 2014 public assembly law. Dadin was arrested and sentenced to three years’ imprisonment in December 2015. In November 2016, website Meduza published a letter smuggled from Dadin to his wife, exposing torture he claimed he was suffering alongside fellow prisoners. The letter, a brave move for a serving prisoner, was widely reported. A government investigation was prompted, and Dadin was transferred – against his will – to a Siberian prison colony. In February 2017, Russia’s constitutional and Supreme Courts suddenly quashed Dadin’s conviction, ruling he should be released and afforded opportunity for rehabilitation.
The London-based freedom of expression organization Index on Censorship featured a portrait of Nur Ener, the editor of New Asia Newspaper’s detainee since early March. Read the full article
Crime and Corruption Reporting Network (KRIK) is a new independent investigative website which was founded by a team of young Serbian journalists intent on exposing organised crime and extortion in their country which is ranked as having widespread corruption by Transparency International. In their first year they have published several high-impact investigations, including forcing Serbia’s prime minister to admit that senior officials had been behind nocturnal demolitions in a Belgrade neighbourhood and revealing meetings between drug barons, the ministry of police and the minister of foreign affairs. KRIK have repeatedly come under attack online and offline for their work –threatened and allegedly under surveillance by state officials, defamed in the pages of local tabloids, and suffering abuse including numerous death threats on social media.
“KRIK has become a recognised source of discoveries and news on crime and corruption in the country,” KRIK editor Stevan Dojčinović told Index on Censorship.
See the full shortlist for Index on Censorship’s Freedom of Expression Awards 2017 here.[/vc_column_text][/vc_column][/vc_row][vc_row full_width=”stretch_row_content” equal_height=”yes” el_class=”text_white” css=”.vc_custom_1490258749071{background-color: #cb3000 !important;}”][vc_column width=”1/2″][vc_custom_heading text=”Support the Index Fellowship.” font_container=”tag:p|font_size:28|text_align:center” use_theme_fonts=”yes” link=”url:https%3A%2F%2Fwww.indexoncensorship.org%2Fnewsite02may%2Fsupport-the-freedom-of-expression-awards%2F|||”][vc_column_text]
[vc_row][vc_column][vc_column_text]As attention focuses on Bahrain ahead of the annual Formula One Grand Prix on 14-16 April, Index urges political leaders internationally to speak out against human rights abuses in the country.
Index is particularly troubled by the treatment of prominent human rights defender Nabeel Rajab, who was arrested in June 2016 on multiple charges related to his media activities and peaceful expression online.
Last week, Rajab underwent surgery in hospital and was returned almost immediately to solitary confinement. For two days, he was forced to wear dirty clothes covered in blood and he still lacks access to any proper medical care while in jail despite a deep and open wound that causes severe pain and needs constant care.
“We call on the Bahraini government to end its inhumane treatment of Nabeel Rajab, who is being persecuted for simply exercising his right to peacefully express his opinion,” Index on Censorship chief executive Jodie Ginsberg said.
“Countries like Britain that enjoy such freedoms need to speak out more forcibly when such rights are denied to individuals elsewhere,” she added.
Rajab, a 2012 winner of the Index on Censorship Freedom of Expression Awards, was supposed to be freed on bail in December 2016 after nearly seven months in jail. However, he was re-arrested and remanded into custody for seven days, on charges related to media interviews he gave in 2015. Rajab has been in police custody since 13 June, when he was arrested and later charged with “spreading false news and rumours about the internal situation in a bid to discredit Bahrain.”
Rajab, president of the Bahrain Center for Human Rights, has been in pre-trial detention since his arrest in June. His detention, much of it in solitary confinement, has caused a deterioration in his health.
Bahrain appears to be intensifying a crackdown on journalists and human rights campaigners in the country.
On 23 April 2017, the court of appeals will hold a hearing for Sayed Ahmed Salman al-Mousawi, an internationally-renowned photographer, who was arrested more than three years ago for alleged terrorist activities.
Index is also concerned about the targeting and persecuting of a human rights defender’s family as means of intimidation. These retaliatory measures include the detention of the mother-in-law and brother-in-law of the UK-based Bahraini activist Sayed Ahmed Alwadaei. Both were taken into custody by the Bahraini authorities and their detentions were renewed on 6 April for 30 days.[/vc_column_text][/vc_column][/vc_row][vc_row][vc_column][vc_basic_grid post_type=”post” max_items=”10″ style=”load-more” items_per_page=”4″ element_width=”6″ grid_id=”vc_gid:1491928102591-8e234634-c0a1-1″ taxonomies=”716″][/vc_column][/vc_row]
Iranian Kurdish journalist Behrouz Boochani fled the city of Ilam in Iran in May 2013 after the police raided the Kurdish cultural heritage magazine he had co-founded, arresting 11 of his colleagues. He travelled to Australia by boat, intending to claim asylum, but less than a month after arriving he was forcibly relocated to a “refugee processing centre” in Papua New Guinea that had been newly opened.
Imprisoned alongside nearly 1,000 men who have been ordered to claim asylum in Papua New Guinea or return home, Boochani has been passionately documenting their life in detention ever since. Publicly advertised by the Australian Government as a refugee deterrent, life in the detention centre is harsh. For the first 2 years, Boochani wrote under a pseudonym. Until 2016 he circumvented a ban on mobile phones by trading personal items including his shoes with local residents. And while outside journalists are barred, Boochani has refused to be silent, writing numerous stories via Whatsapp and even shooting a feature film with his phone.
“I have never stopped thinking and working as a journalist. Despite attempts to silence me, I have not been silenced,” Boochani told Index on Censorship.
See the full shortlist for Index on Censorship’s Freedom of Expression Awards 2017 here.[/vc_column_text][/vc_column][/vc_row][vc_row full_width=”stretch_row_content” equal_height=”yes” el_class=”text_white” css=”.vc_custom_1490258749071{background-color: #cb3000 !important;}”][vc_column width=”1/2″][vc_custom_heading text=”Support the Index Fellowship.” font_container=”tag:p|font_size:28|text_align:center” use_theme_fonts=”yes” link=”url:https%3A%2F%2Fwww.indexoncensorship.org%2Fnewsite02may%2Fsupport-the-freedom-of-expression-awards%2F|||”][vc_column_text]
The Centre for Turkey Studies (CEFTUS) and Index on Censorship are pleased to invite you to a public forum with Special Adviser to the Foreign Affairs Select Committee Guney Yildiz, award-winning Turkish-British technologist Alp Toker and Index on Censorship’s Head of Advocacy Melody Patry on 20th April 2017.
A referendum on the proposed changes to Turkey’s constitution will take place on 16th April 2017. The changes proposed would significantly alter the structure of Turkey’s government and so the vote has big implications for Turkey’s future.
Our guest speakers will analyse the result of the referendum on Turkey’s domestic and foreign policies and freedom of expression in particular.
This event will also mark Index’s Freedom of Expression Awards that celebrate the courage and creativity of some of the world’s greatest journalists, campaigners, inventors and artists.
This event is hosted by Neil Coyle, Labour MP for Bermondsey and Old Southwark.
Please note that as security checks are required to enter House of Commons, we kindly ask you to arrive at 6.30PM, allowing the event to start and end on time.[/vc_column_text][/vc_column][/vc_row][vc_row][vc_column][vc_column_text]
When: 7-9PM on Thursday, 20th April 2017
Where: Committee Room 9, House of Commons
Tickets: Free. Registration required.
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