The below signatories express grave concern for the status of free speech and expression in Egypt. The authorities continue to openly silence anyone who is critical of the Egyptian government and of the state of affairs in Egypt. The arrest of Lebanese tourist Mona el-Mazbouh last month is yet another episode in President Abdel Fattah al-Sisi’s continued crackdown on rights and freedoms. We call for the immediate and unconditional release of Mona el-Mazbouh, who was sentenced to eight years in prison earlier this month.
Background
Lebanese Mona el-Mazbouh, 24, posted a 10-minute video to her Facebook account in May after she was allegedly sexually harassed, a lived reality that is experienced on a daily basis by most women in Egypt. The video included profanity against Egypt and Egyptians. Mona was stopped and arrested on 31 May at Cairo airport before leaving Egypt, after her video went viral on social media. Egyptian lawyer Amr Abdelsalam had filed a report against her with the general prosecution, accusing her of insulting the Egyptian people and the president. Abdelsalam has asked that she be added to the scores of Egyptians barred from leaving the country while her case remains open and until her sentence is completed, and to later permanently prevent her from entering the country.
The Egyptian attorney general ordered the immediate referral of Mona to an expedited criminal trial on 3 June for insulting the Egyptian people on social media. The prosecution accused Mona of “spreading false rumours that aim to harm society and defame religions, as well as creating inappropriate content and displaying it through her Facebook page”.
A Cairo misdemeanours court sentenced Mona to eight years in prison on 7 July for publishing a video with indecent content, defaming religion, insulting the Egyptian people and insulting the president. She was also fined EGP10,700 (around $598 USD).
Draconian laws that curtail free expression in Egypt
Accusations such as insulting the Egyptian people or the president are a serious transgression of the right to freedom of expression, which is guaranteed and protected by the Egyptian constitution and international human rights law. Over the past two years, there have been rapid and disturbing developments concerning the closure of physical and digital public spaces in Egypt, and an increased surveillance of social media and digital content.
A few weeks before Mona’s arrest, on 11 May, Egyptian activist Amal Fathy was arrested two days after she posted a video on Facebook condemning sexual harassment and disapproving of the government’s negligence on the issue. Fathy was charged with “disseminating a video on social media to publicly incite overthrowing the government”, “publishing a video that includes false news that could harm public peace”, and “misusing telecommunication tools”.
In addition, the Egyptian government continues to draft and approve laws that significantly curtail freedom of expression online, while heightening surveillance and censorship of social media users. On 5 June, Parliament approved the final draft of the new Cybercrime Law, titled “the Law on Combating Cybercrimes” that legalises broad censorship of the internet and facilitates comprehensive surveillance of communications.
Most recently, Parliament also approved a final reading a bill allowing authorities to monitor social media users and combat “fake news”, whereby individuals whose social media accounts have more than 5,000 followers could be placed under the supervision of Egypt’s Supreme Council for Media Regulations.
These developments reinforce the troubling and ongoing trend in Egypt of silencing public discourse and shrinking civic space that has now led to Mona’s arrest and detention.
Urgent action required
Before her arrest, Mona published a second video addressing the public response she received for the first. In her second video, Mona apologised for the content of the first, and clarified that she was not making a political statement and did not mention the Egyptian President at all in her initial video.
She was initially sentenced to 11 years in prison, however, her sentence was reduced to eight years after her lawyer provided the court with evidence that she “underwent a surgery in 2006 to remove a blood clot from her brain, which has impaired her ability to control anger”. Mona awaits her appeal date set for 29 July.
The below signatories believe that Mona el-Mazbouh’s arrest is a violation of her basic rights and freedoms, and connotes an even bigger threat to the general state of free expression in Egypt. We demand the immediate and unconditional release of Mona el-Mazbouh, and request that all charges be dropped allowing Mona to leave and enter Egypt freely.
Signed,
Association for Freedom of Thought and Expression (AFTE)
7amleh – Arab Center for the Advancement of Social Media
Adil Soz – International Foundation for Protection of Freedom of Speech
Africa Freedom of Information Centre (AFIC)
Article 19
Association of Caribbean Media Workers
Bahrain Center for Human Rights
Cairo Institute for Human Rights Studies (CIHRS)
Cartoonists Rights Network International (CRNI)
Electronic Frontier Foundation (EFF)
Freedom Forum
Human Rights Network for Journalists – Uganda (HRNJ-Uganda)
I’lam Arab Center for Media Freedom Development and Research
Independent Journalism Center (IJC)
Index on Censorship
Maharat Foundation
March
Mediacentar Sarajevo
Media Institute of Southern Africa (MISA)
Pacific Islands News Association (PINA)
Pen American Center
Pen Canada
Social Media Exchange (SMEX)
South East Europe Media Organisation
Vigilance for Democracy and the Civic State
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[vc_row][vc_column][vc_column_text]Leading human rights lawyers from Doughty Street Chambers have submitted a new complaint to the United Nations regarding Egypt’s treatment of Amal Fathy, the detained wife of a co-founder of the award-winning human rights group the Egyptian Commission for Rights and Freedoms (ECRF).
Ms Fathy was arrested after posting a video criticising sexual harassment in Egypt – of which she herself is a victim – to Facebook. After a police raid of their home in the early hours of the morning Ms Fathy, her husband Mohamed Lotfy and their two-year-old son were taken to a police station. Mr Lotfy and their son were released several hours later, but Ms Fathy has been charged with membership of a terrorist organisation and other related charges and remains detained.
Ms Fathy is a communications student and former activist and actress who is active on social media, where she advocates and expresses her views on ongoing issues in Egypt especially on women’s rights.
The complaint to the United Nations working group on arbitrary detention, submitted jointly with ECRF and global freedom of expression campaigners Index on Censorship, argues that Ms. Fathy’s arbitrary detention is a clear violation of her right to freedom of expression, her right to liberty and her right to freedom from arbitrary detention.
Caoilfhionn Gallagher QC of Doughty Street Chambers said: “Amal Fathy has now been detained arbitrarily for 74 days, in unsanitary conditions, without meaningful access to her lawyers, and away from her family and young son. Egypt has failed to explain the legal basis for her continued detention, but it is clear that whatever the pretext, this is an inhumane and illegal punishment imposed simply because she and her husband have undertaken peaceful and legitimate campaigning on human rights issues. Amal Fathy spoke out about the rights of women; now the Egyptian authorities are silencing her by holding her in prison for months on end, with no proper legal basis.”
Mohamed Lotfy said “ECRF is alarmed by the unprecedented wave of arrests of Egyptian human rights defenders, and Amal is one them, which shows a new trend of violations in one of the worst crackdowns on civil society in Egypt. The most worrying aspect of these resent cases is that they were all referred to State Security Prosecution on totally irrelevant charges such as joining terrorists groups. These charges, if referred to court by the Prosecution, could lead to sever sentences of imprisonment.”
Perla Hinojosa, fellowships and advocacy officer at Index on Censorship said: “Index calls on Egyptian authorities to immediately release Amal Fathy. Freedom of expression should not be criminalised and the government’s continued attempts to silence activists and journalists through detention and the fear of detention is unwarranted.”
In May, Doughty Street — jointly with ECRF and Index on Censorship, lodged complaints with United Nations rapporteurs on freedom of expression and human rights defenders regarding Ms Fathy’s detention.
Mr Lotfy is one of the leaders of ECRF, which has played a key role in increasing awareness of enforced disappearances, censorship, torture and violations of freedom of expression and association in Egypt. This has resulted in frequent incidents of harassment, arrest and detention of staff. ECRF received an Index on Censorship Freedom of Expression Campaigning Award in April 2018.
On July 15th, the Egyptian government enacted a controversial law which would monitor personal social media, blogs or websites with more than 5,000 followers. Authorities would have the power to block them if accused of publishing fake news, as interpreted by the government. This crackdown on activists and journalists limits and controls freedom of expression further.
The organisations have asked the United Nations working group on arbitrary detention to issue a finding that Ms Fathy’s detention is arbitrary and in violation of Egypt’s obligations under international law, and to call for her immediate release, and to ask Egypt to investigate her unlawful detention and to award her compensation.[/vc_column_text][/vc_column][/vc_row][vc_row][vc_column][three_column_post title=”Egypt” full_width_heading=”true” category_id=”147″][/vc_column][/vc_row]
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“It made it on the front cover of the magazine so that was a big, proud moment,” said former Index editorial assistant Kieran Etoria-King, talking about his interview with stage star and model Lily Cole.
Etoria-King, now a graduate trainee at Channel 4, was the 2016/7 Tim Hetherington fellow at Index, a programme for journalism graduates from Liverpool John Moores University and backed by the Tim Hetherington Trust.
During his time as the second LJMU/Tim Hetherington fellow, Etoria-King worked on four issues of the magazine and on the website throughout the year, as well as interviewing Cole.
“My proudest moment editorially was the commissioning, when I got to the point where I felt like I was able to bring in ideas,” Etoria-King said. “I saw a picture of some North Korean art, and when I saw that I became fascinated by these amazing North Korean paintings I’d never seen before. I pitched that idea, and then went out and found someone, BG Muhn, who is an expert on the subject, and was able to write a really good piece about it. That was probably the first moment where I felt like, ‘yeah, I can contribute to this and able to bring stuff to the table’. It was like the first or second piece from the front in that issue so that was amazing.”
Etoria-King has taken the skills learned at Index into his new role. He said: “The confidence that I can bring ideas to the table has been a huge help.”
“Anywhere you go in the media, people are gonna be fascinated by the work Index does, even if they haven’t heard of it, when you tell them what it is, they’re gonna be fascinated.”
Talking about what he learned during his year on the editorial team, he said: “They really helped me really refine what to put in applications, refine my skills and how to pitch myself. You couldn’t really ask for a better introduction [to media], because you’ve got so much experience there in Sean, Rachael and Jemimah, Jodie and the whole organisation. Being such a small team you have a lot of input, and your presence is really valued and your input is really valued.”
[/vc_column_text][vc_row_inner][vc_column_inner][vc_single_image image=”94174″ img_size=”large” add_caption=”yes” alignment=”center”][/vc_column_inner][/vc_row_inner][vc_row_inner][vc_column_inner width=”1/4″][vc_icon icon_fontawesome=”fa fa-quote-left”][/vc_column_inner][vc_column_inner width=”3/4″][vc_custom_heading text=”Anywhere you go in the media, people are gonna be fascinated by the work Index does”][/vc_column_inner][/vc_row_inner][vc_column_text]
The fellowship was set up in memory of Tim Hetherington, a photojournalist from Liverpool. He is best known for his work covering soldiers and conflicts including Afghanistan and Libya. His photography was celebrated for focusing on individuals’ experiences, not just the war zones.
Hetherington’s assignments took him from the UK to Africa where he lived and worked. He also studied US fighting forces for a year in Afghanistan from 2007 to 2008, which led to the Oscar-nominated film Restrepo and Infidel photo book. He also worked in Libya, where he sadly lost his life in 2011 from a mortar attack during the country’s civil war.
“Tim spent his whole life challenging limitations on expression,” said Stephen Mayes of the Tim Hetherington Trust, including a period of time spent as an investigator for the United Nations Security Council’s Liberia Sanctions Committee.
“The opportunity to introduce new talent to work in this vital field is unmissable and we wholeheartedly join with LJMU and Index to promote the values of free speech and political expression.”
The Tim Hetherington fellow works on the award-winning Index on Censorship magazine and website as the editorial assistant with opportunities to do a range of tasks including interviews and podcasts.
Rachael Jolley, editor of Index on Censorship magazine, tells The Guardian that recent restrictions “appear to be part of a worrying trend in China to be more restrictive about how sex is portrayed in books, and what is ‘allowed’.
“Book fairs are the last places we expect to see censorship, so it is worrying that we are seeing the new Murakami novel removed from the Hong Kong book fair’s booths. Book fairs are where people go to see a range of writing and we would call on the directors to make sure that they resist bids to censor which pieces of writing are on show,” said Jolley. Read the full article.
Update: Since publishing this article, Index on Censorship has been informed that Luis Manuel Otero Alcántara has also been released, having spent two nights in prison. He said that during hisdetention he was hit so hard “as if to break the spine“.
The plan was clear: cover yourself with excrement, hold a sign demanding “Free art. No to decree 349” and be visible. But on the afternoon of Saturday 21 July, only Yanelyz Nuñez stood on the steps of the National Capitol Building in Havana, her body smeared with human faeces and her eyebrows furrowed in anger over the arrest of her colleagues for protesting against new legislation restricting the private display of art without government approval. The law threatens fines, raids and the loss of licenses for self-employed workers who solicit artists that lack approval from the Ministry of Culture.
Among those arrested for protesting were artists Amaury Pacheco, Soandry del Río, Iris Ruiz andLuis Manuel Otero Alcántara. Otero Alcántara and Nuñez are the founders of Cuba’s Museum of Dissidence, a website and public art project that won Index’s 2018 Freedom of Expression Arts Award. The Museum of Dissidence works to reclaim the meaning of the word “dissidence” and support a new generation of artists dedicated to empowering marginalised communities, challenging repression and defending freedom of expression.
All of those arrested were accused of public disorder with Otero Alcántara facing an additional charge of aggression. All were released on the same day except Otero Alcántara who remains in detention. As Nuñez said on Facebook on 23 July, Otero Alcántara is expected to remain at the Vivac detention centre for five to six more days. After speaking with authorities she noted that “they did not talk to me at all about a trial or about what crime he was accused of”.
“Index denounces the arrest and continued detention of Luis Manuel Otero Alcántara for peacefully protesting in favour of free expression,” said Perla Hinojosa, fellowships and advocacy officer at Index on Censorship. “Despite the repercussions and lack of dialogue, the group’s actions were successful because if you have the government’s attention, you’re probably stirring something up in them that makes them feel threatened.”
On 22 July Otero Alcántara, Nuñez, Ruiz, Pacheco and Cuban artist Tania Bruguera published an open letter calling on the government institutions to engage in a dialogue with independent artists, seeking a voice in discussions on the cultural policy which so deeply concerns their line of work. On 23 July Nuñez delivered a legal writ to Havana’s Provincial Court demanding to know more about Otero Alcántara’s case within 72 hours.
In May 2018 Otero Alcántara and Nuñezorganised the first #00Bienal de la Habana, a ten-day independent art biennial including over 170 artists and creators from within and outside Cuba. For this, Otero Alcántara was imprisoned under the pretence of illegally possessing construction materials. The suppression of independent art has only worsened under Cuba’s new president, Miguel Díaz‑Canel, who succeeded Raúl Castro in April 2018. [/vc_column_text][/vc_column][/vc_row][vc_row][vc_column][vc_basic_grid post_type=”post” max_items=”4″ element_width=”6″ grid_id=”vc_gid:1532445359224-5021f869-3d4a-0″ taxonomies=”7874″][/vc_column][/vc_row]
Malaysian cartoonist Zunar is facing charges under a colonial era Sedition Act. (Photo: Sean Gallagher/Index on Censorship)
Nine banned books. Nine charges of sedition carrying the maximum penalty of 43 years imprisonment. Countless attacks, raids and arrests. These were the consequences of Malaysian cartoonist Zunar’s cartoons and tweets decrying government scandals and misdealings under former prime minister Najib Razak.
Under Razak, Malaysia’s “Man of Steal,” Zunar published volumes of cartoons criticising the prime minister and his wife for their lavish lifestyle and corrupt rule at the expense of the Malaysian people. The government justified its crackdown on his works early on, reasoning that they “influence the public to revolt against the leaders and government policies” and are “detrimental to public order” in 2010.
A travel ban was placed on Zunar on 24 June 2016. In 2015, he was charged under Malaysia’s Sedition Act, a 1948 remnant of British colonial rule used by the Malaysian government to silence dissenting voices like Zunar’s. He now awaits four days in court, starting 30 July.
The cartoonist was still in the process of mounting a constitutional challenge to the Sedition Act for these charges when opposition leader Mahathir Mohamad toppled PM Najib Razak in national elections on 9 May 2018. The same day, the new government lifted the travel ban on Zunar and has placed one on the former PM while investigating his role in Malaysia’s global corruption scandal, 1MDB.
For the first time in two years, Zunar could travel to London last week, where he met with ARTICLE 19 and Amnesty International officials. He continues to challenge his travel ban because the old government cited “special reasons,” not law, to justify it. With his challenge active until the travel ban trial on 22 October, Zunar emphasised “I want to do this because I think I am being victimised but I also want the court to make a ruling that no government can use this [justification] anymore, including the new government. [Otherwise] they may use this again in the future for the activists the government doesn’t like.”
The government has faced ongoing international pressure from organisations like Index and ARTICLE 19 as well as UN Special Rapporteur on cultural rights, Karima Bennoune, to drop the sedition charges against Zunar. On 13 July, the Malaysian Attorney General’s Chambers (AGC) announced that they will begin a review of all ongoing sedition cases, citing the strength of the cases and evidence as determinants of whether the charges will be upheld.
In the meantime, Zunar has vowed to continue cartooning and advocating for the repeal of the very laws that silence him and other government critics in Malaysia: the Sedition Act, the Printing and Press Act and the Fake News Act. Despite national celebration of the new government, he remains skeptical. “It’s too early to put any hope on what they say because I think new governments always makes good promises but they need to abolish [the Sedition Act] because this is what the promise during the election campaign was” he said.
Zunar spoke with Index’s Shreya Parjan about the current status of his case.
Index: You’ve faced the current set of sedition charges since 2015. How have you appealed and challenged them since then? How does your current appeal differ from that of your case in 2010?
Zunar: It was started in 2010, yes, I was arrested around that time but they didn’t charge me for that so 2010 is different. I have few other sedition charges, okay so 2010 one, 2015, 2016 two times but the only one they charged was in 2015. This is the one they’ve got me in court for. The others they just investigated and arrested and I spent time in police lockup for other cases but only one they are really bringing to court.
The [2015] charge is still going on, the next court date is 30 July. This is very long, from March 2015 until now, the court is still unable to start because at the same time when they brought me to court, my staff and several activists who have been charged with sedition, we filed suit to challenge the constitutionality of the sedition act. The separate court had to deal with that first.
And finally, early this year, the court has made a decision that our challenge is irrelevant and so there’s no issue. So finally, now the court is going to start and also now its a new date: on 30 July. But we have to also understand that politically, and now we have a new government, all my charges were brought by the old government, so we’ll see what happens on the 30 of July.
Index: Since the Attorney General’s Chamber announced on 13 July that they will be reviewing all ongoing sedition cases, what expectations do you have for your own case?
Zunar: Now, the new parliament session just started today [16 July] and I have to wait and see. It’s too early to put any hope on what they say because I think new governments always make good promises but they need to abolish [the Sedition Act] because this is what the promise during the election campaign was. But just a few days ago, another activist was challenged under Sedition so this is why I say it’s important to see the action rather than the words now.
Index: What changes in the environment for free expression do you anticipate seeing under PM Mahathir Mohamad?
Zunar: I have to say that until they [abolish] it, I’m still concerned. If they’re really serious, they will abolish this law and several laws. If they really want to abolish the Sedition Act together with other laws related to freedom of expression, freedom of speech, they at least need to suspend it first before they continue. They have to show that “we are really serious, that we have to do it, but for the time being, why don’t we suspend theis law first.” For me, if you really have a political will to do it, you have to show it. But I don’t know, it’s too early to say. Until they do it, I cannot say anything about it and there’s no positive sign for it.
The other law also involved in this is the Printing and Press Act, the law the government widely used to control the media. There’s also the Fake News Act, which was introduced just before the previous election, and the Official Secrets Act. Two of these laws were used against me and the other two were used against activists who tried to expose or tried to reveal corruption or wrongdoing by the government so the government has to, if they’re serious about freedom of expression, they have to abolish these laws.
There’s some talk of review, but I say no, there’s no excuse, they have to go for it. We have to wait for the parliament, whether this will be done in this parliament session which is going to make their decision over one month. We have to wait for this to see whether this new government is really serious about it or if they might use it again.
Index: What has the former government’s crackdown on those you worked with (publishers, webmaster) looked like? What implications could the new government’s review of your case have for them?
Zunar: There was an incident where the police arrested me when I did an exhibition in October 2016 and they took all the artwork and also 1300 books. I filed a suit against them and the case will be heard during the trial which is over four days: 30 July-2 August. At the same time, two of my assistants have been charged and their charges still continue and there’s no sign that the government will drop the charges. They have been charged with obstructing the police officers from carrying out their job. I think they had one court session last week so they still continue. There’s no sign that the government will drop the charge.
Previously, three of my printers have been raided under the Printing and Press Act and they were given a very strong warning that if they print my book again, they will be charged under Sedition and their licenses will be revoked. Also, my webmaster was investigated under the Sedition Act, my office has been raided several times and my sales assistants have been arrested.
What the police did is use a culture of fear. They create fear. They go and they didn’t really bring these guys to court, but they use harassment and the law that they will be charged if they continue, to scare people. But because we have a new government, so far there are no cases like that, so I think that the situation is maybe changing, I don’t know.
Index: What role do you see your cartoons playing in your advocacy for the repeal of the Sedition Act and other legislation that has constrained your work in the past?
Zunar: I think in my recent trip to London [last week] I spoke to ARTICLE 19 and Amnesty International and I hope for them to make a statement. It’s good for international organisations to give pressure to the government during the parliament session to abolish these outdated laws.
My cartoons reflect the issues of a country during that time, any time. If I want to do the same level of cartooning, the one I did during the previous government is a different type of cartoon. Now I can do more reminding and giving pressure to the government in a positive manner. Because in Malaysia right now, we just chose a new government, everyone is very happy, the people are very happy, this is what they expect and at the same time, civil society and activists like me have to remind the government that winning doesn’t mean you win everything or everything already changed.
So many things need to be done to keep the promises [that were made during the election]. As a cartoonist, we simply have to wait for the issues. Like during the parliament, if they don’t act, we have to come up with a cartoon to show that this is what you promised and you are not fulfilling your promise.
Talking about levels, previously what I did was to fight through cartoon. This is one level up from what normal cartoonists do around the world. Normal cartooning around the world is to criticise the government of the day. That is for those who think that the government is a bit undemocratic. Last time, what I did was fight through cartoon. But now, the people of Malaysia did win and there’s so much hope for this new government and they’re very positive about it. I cannot simply come and fight through cartoon again at this time.
Now I have to do positive cartoons reminding and being a watchdog for the government. I think changing the mindset is very important also. It’s not about changing individuals, you have to change the mindset in the society, to show that cartoons can do the job too. In terms of what I’m going to do, I think I need to go along with this achievement and be a watchdog to the government, which is a totally different role of cartooning compared to the one I did with the last government.[/vc_column_text][vc_media_grid element_width=”3″ grid_id=”vc_gid:1532428297196-711fc435-d06c-1″ include=”101641,101640,101642,101636,101635,101639,101638,101637″][/vc_column][/vc_row][vc_row full_width=”stretch_row_content”][vc_column][three_column_post title=”Malaysia” full_width_heading=”true” category_id=”130″][/vc_column][/vc_row]
في الليلة التي قبل فيها رحيم حاجييف جائزة “اندكس أون سنسرشب – غارديان” للصحافة، حمل معه نسخة من صحيفته التي صمدت وثابرت على الرغم من اعتداءات الحكومة عليها بعد أن كشفت الصحيفة تجاوزاتها. كان ذلك في مارس ٢٠١٤، وكان حاجييف ، رئيس التحرير بالإنابة لجريدة “أزدليق” الأذربيجانية المستقلة ، يقف على خشبة المسرح في لندن. وأعلن بنبرة المنتصر: “إن فريق الصحيفة مصمم على مواصلة هذا العمل المقدس – أي خدمة الحقيقة. لأن هذا هو معنى ما نفعله وهذا معنى حياتنا “.
بعد أربعة أشهر ، تعرضت هذه المهمة للخطر من خلال التهديدات والاعتقالات والقيود المالية بعد قيام الصحيفة بالكتابة عن قضايا الفساد الحكومي. لم تكن هذه هي المرة الأولى التي تتعرض فيها “أزدليق” لضغوط اقتصادية من قبل موزعيها المدعومين من الحكومة في ظل حكم الزعيم الأذربيجاني الحالي، أيلام علييف، الذي يواجه منذ فترة طويلة اتهامات بالحكم الاستبدادي وقمع المعارضة منذ توليه منصبه في عام ٢٠٠٣.
لكن الصحيفة فقدت قدرتها على الصمود بعد أن تجاوزت الغرامات عليها حاجز الـ ٥٠ ألف جنيه استرليني بالتزامن مع الاعتقالات ضد موظفيها، مما أجبر الصحيفة على تعليق نسختها المطبوعة في يوليو / تموز ٢٠١٤. ومن بين أعضاء آخرين في المجتمع المدني ووسائل الإعلام المستقلة ، لا يزال زميل حاجييف ، الكاتب سيمور حزي ، مسجونا بسبب ” الشغب الكبير” وهي تهمة تلقاها بعد دفاعه عن نفسه من الاعتداء الجسدي. ولقد تجاهلت الحكومة الاحتجاجات الواسعة من الراي العام ضد هذه الممارسات.
في هذا العام ، قال مؤشر حرية الصحافة لمنظمة مراسلون بلا حدود أن ١٦٥ صحفياً هم مسجونون حالياً في أذربيجان. وتعرض قاعدة بيانات مؤسسة “مسح حرية الإعلام” شهريا تقارير عن التعديات التي تقوم بها حكومة هذه الجمهورية السوفيتية السابقة ضد كل أشكال المعارضة. في يوليو / تموز ٢٠١٨ وحده ، رصدت هذه المؤسسة حجب أربعة مواقع معارضة من قبل الحكومة بتهمة نشر معلومات مضللة ، كما تم استجواب محرّرين من وسائل إخبارية مستقلة من قبل السلطات وألقي القبض على صحفي لقيامه بعصيان أوامر الشرطة في ذات الفترة.
في ديسمبر / كانون الأول ٢٠١٧ ، أيدت محكمة عليا في أذربيجان حجب المواقع الإلكترونية لخمسة من المنظمات الإعلامية المستقلة ، بما فيها موقع Azadliq.info ، النشط منذ مارس / آذار ٢٠١٧. وانتقد حاجييف هذا الاجراء باعتباره يزيد من عرقلة قدرة الشعب الأذربيجاني على الوصول إلى معلومات موضوعية.
يعيش حاجييف في المنفى في أوروبا الغربية منذ عام ٢٠١٧ ، ويقول لـ “اندكس أون سنسرشب”: “أربعة موظفين من موقعنا في السجن. تم اتهام موظفينا الموجودين في السجن بالشغب والتورط في معاملات مالية غير قانونية. كلهم اعتقلوا بتهم ملفقة. جميع التهم ملفقة”.
يشرف حاجييف على صفحة الصحيفة على فيسبوك من خارج البلاد، في حين يبقى الموقع محدثًا دورياً ومتاحًا للقراء خارج أذربيجان. وفيما يتعلق بالوضع الحالي لحرية التعبير في الوطن ، قال: “الوضع في البلاد صعب للغاية. تستمر السلطات في قمع الناس ذوي التفكير الديموقراطي. اعتقالات الناشطين السياسيين والصحفيين مستمرة “.
تحدث حاجييف مع شريا بارجان من “إندكس أون سنسرشب” حول الوضع الحالي.
اندكس أون سنسرشب: هل أزدليق وحدها مستهدفة؟ لماذا تم اعتبار هذه الصحيفة بمثابة تهديد للحكومة؟
حاجييف: لا يمكننا القول أن أزدليق فقط تتعرض للقمع. ان السلطات الأذربيجانية فاسدة للغاية ولا يمكنها تحمل الانتقادات من خصومها. تقوم الأنظمة الفاسدة والقمعية في جميع أنحاء العالم بقمع حرية التعبير. وفي هذا الصدد ، كانت السلطات الأذربيجانية ، وخاصة في السنوات الأخيرة ، من بين أكثر الدول قمعية في العالم.
اندكس أون سنسرشب: ما الذي جعلك تقرر مغادرة أذربيجان وهل كان ذلك القرار صعبا؟
حاجييف: توقفت الصحيفة عن عملياتها في سبتمبر ٢٠١٢. ولم تسمح السلطات بنشر أزدليق بعدها. في ذلك الوقت، لم يمسوا بموقع الصحيفة. مكثت في البلاد لبعض الوقت. يؤسفني أنني اضطررت لمغادرة البلاد بعد الضغط الشديد الذي تلقيته من السلطات. استمر زميلي في قيادة الموقع وصفحة الفيسبوك. بالطبع انه قرار صعب. أن أجبر على مغادرة البلاد [هو] قضية غير سارة للغاية. كان علي تحمل الكثير من المتاعب. ومع ذلك ، واصلت العمل.
اندكس أون سنسرشب: أثناء وجودك في المنفى ، كيف تمكنت من مواصلة عملك والمطالبة بالتغيير؟
حاجييف: في هذا الوقت في المنفى ، أستمر في ادارة الموقع وصفحة الفيسبوك. وكوني خارج البلاد ، فأنا أستخدم بنشاط الشبكات الاجتماعية. من جهة ، أقوم بجمع المعلومات ، ومن جهة أخرى ، أقوم بنشرها. تساعد الشبكات الاجتماعية في تنظيم العمل أيضاً. صفحة الفيسبوك الخاصة بنا هي واحدة من أكثر الصفحات شعبية في البلد ، وأنا فخور بإنجازنا.
اندكس أون سنسرشب: هل يمكنك التحدّث عن أي مجتمعات داعمة التقيت بها أثناء وجودك في المنفى؟ ما هو واجب الصحفيين الأجانب في التعاون وتقديم الدعم لبعضهم البعض في أوقات الأزمات؟
حاجييف: التواصل مع الصحفيين في الخارج مهم. وتبادل الخبرات والمعلومات هو شيء مفيد. سيكون من اللطيف للغاية أن نتمكن من نشر عمل الصحفيين المحليين.
اندكس أون سنسرشب: ما هي أوجه التناقض بين حملة القمع على الحرية الرقمية ومزاعم الحكومة عن أذربيجان حديثة حرة؟
حاجييف: يوجد في أذربيجان نظام سياسي يقمع حرية التعبير بشدة. وفقا لمؤشر حرية التعبير ، الذي تنشره منظمة مراسلون بلا حدود ، تحتل أذربيجان المركز ١٦٣. تشهد أذربيجان حاليا واحدة من أصعب الأوقات في تاريخها. لطالما كانت حقوق وحريات المواطنين ذات طابع شكلي ويوجد الآن أكثر من ١٦٠ سجينا سياسيا في البلاد.
Rahim Haciyev, then acting editor-in-chief of Azerbaijani newspaper Azadliq in accpting the Index on Censorship Freedom of Expression Journalism Award in 2014 (Photo: Alex Brenner for Index on Censorship)
On the night that Rahim Haciyev accepted the Index on Censorship Freedom of Expression Guardian Journalism Award, he held aloft a copy of the paper that persevered despite assaults from the government whose misdoings it exposed. It was March 2014 and Haciyev, acting editor-in-chief of independent Azerbaijani newspaper Azadliq, was on stage in London. Triumphantly, he declared: “The newspaper team is determined to continue this sacred job – serving the truth. Because this is the meaning of what we do and the meaning of our lives.”
Four months later, this mission was compromised by threats, arrests and financial constraints for reporting on government corruption. It was not the first time Azadliq experienced economic pressure from its government-backed distributors under Azerbaijan’s now four-term leader, Ilham Aliyev. Aliyev has long faced accusations of authoritarian rule and suppressing dissent since taking office in 2003.
But months of fines surpassing £50,000 and mounting arrests overwhelmed the paper, which suspended its print edition in July 2014. Among other members of civil society and the independent media, Haciyev’s colleague, columnist Seymur Hezi, remains imprisoned for “aggravated hooliganism” after defending himself from a physical assault. The public’s widespread protest went unheard by the government.
As of this year, Reporters Without Borders’ Press Freedom Index has documented that 165 journalists are currently imprisoned in Azerbaijan. Monthly, the Mapping Media Freedom database features reports on the former Soviet republic’s assault on dissenting speech. In July 2018 alone, MMF documented four opposition websites blocked by the government for spreading misinformation, two editors of independent news outlets questioned by authorities and one journalist arrested for disobeying the police.
In December 2017 a high court in Azerbaijan upheld the blockage of five independent media organisations’ websites, including Azadliq.info, active since March 2017. Haciyev criticised this move as further inhibiting the Azerbaijani people’s ability to access objective information.
Living in exile in western Europe since 2017, he told Index: “Four employees of our site are in prison. Our employees who are in prison were accused of hooliganism and illegal financial transactions. All of them were arrested on trumped-up charges. All the charges were fabricated.”
Haciyev oversees the paper’s Facebook page from abroad, while the website remains updated and accessible to readers outside Azerbaijan. Regarding the current status of free expression back home, he said: “The situation in the country is very difficult. The authorities continue to oppress democratically minded people. Arrests of political activists and journalists continue.”
Haciyev spoke with Index’s Shreya Parjan about the ongoing situation.
Index: Is Azadliq alone as a target? Why was the publication perceived as such a threat to the government?
Hajiyev:We can not say that only Azadliq was subjected to repression. Azerbaijani authorities are very corrupt and cannot tolerate criticism from their opponents. The corrupt and repressive regimes around the world suppress freedom of speech. In this regard, the Azerbaijani authorities, especially in recent years, have been in the ranks of the world’s most repressive.
Index: What ultimately made you decide to leave Azerbaijan and how difficult was the process?
Hajiyev:The newspaper ceased its operations in September 2012. The authorities have not allowed Azadliq to be published. At that time, they left the site of the newspaper. I stayed in the country for some time. I regret that I had to leave the country after the very strong pressure of the authorities. My colleague continued to lead the website and the Facebook page of the newspaper. Of course it is a difficult process. To be forced to leave the country [is a] very unpleasant affair. I had to endure a lot of trouble. Nevertheless, I continued the business.
Index: While in exile, how have you been able to continue your work and advocate for change?
Hajiyev: At this time in exile, I continue to guide the website and the Facebook page of the newspaper. Being outside the country, I actively use social networking. On the one hand, I gather information, on the other hand, I distribute it. Social networks help organise and conduct work. Our Facebook page is one of the most popular in the country, and I am proud of our achievement.
Index: Could you identify any supportive communities you have encountered with while in exile? What obligation do foreign journalists have to collaborate and support one another in times of crisis?
Hajiyev: Communication between journalists who are abroad is important. To share experiences and information would be useful. It would be very nice to be able to communicate work by local journalists.
Index: How does the crackdown on digital freedom oppose the government narrative of a modern, free Azerbaijan?
Hajiyev: In Azerbaijan, there is a political regime that strongly suppresses freedom of speech. According to the index of freedom of speech, composed Reporters Without Borders, Azerbaijan occupies the 163rd place. Azerbaijan is currently undergoing one of the most difficult times in its history. The rights and freedoms of citizens have long been of nominal character. There are now more than 160 political prisoners.[/vc_column_text][/vc_column][/vc_row][vc_row full_width=”stretch_row_content”][vc_column][three_column_post title=”Global Journalist / Project Exile” full_width_heading=”true” category_id=”22142″][/vc_column][/vc_row]
İdris Sayılgan’s father Ramazan, mother Sebiha and sisters Tuğba and İrem pose in the meadow where the family comes the summers to breed their cattle (Credit: Özgün Özçer)
“Don’t forget to take pills for nausea,” says İdris Sayılgan’s younger sister, Tuğba, combining her knowledge as a fifth-year pharmacy student and the innate kindness of a host. Together with a colleague, we were about to take the bumpy road to follow in the jailed Kurdish journalist’s footsteps to his family’s village near the eastern Turkish city of Muş. Sayılgan had spent his summer holidays helping his father, a herdsman or “koçer” in Kurdish (literally meaning “nomad”), breeding cattle and goats. One of many Kurdish reporters imprisoned pending trial, Sayılgan has been behind bars for 21 months on trumped-up charges that have criminalised his journalistic work. His hard-working, close-knit family misses his presence dearly.
Heading south of Muş, to the fertile Zoveser mountains, the serpentine road proves Tuğba’s advice to be valuable. The asphalt pavement gives way to a narrow gravel road as we continue to zig-zag toward the southern flank of Zoveser, bordering Kulp in Diyarbakır province and Sason in Batman – two localities which used to be home to an important Armenian community before the Armenian Genocide in 1915. The many majestic walnut trees surrounding the road are a testament to that bygone era. We are told that they were all planted by Armenians before they fled.
The family village – Heteng to Kurds and İnardi to the Turkish state – witnessed another brutal eviction in more recent times. During the so-called dirty war of the 1990s, the Turkish military gave inhabitants a stark choice: either become village guards, armed and remunerated by the state to inform on the activities of militants belonging to the Kurdish insurrection, or leave. If they dared to refuse, a summary death awaited. İdris was just three-years-old when they came.
Left helpless and scared, many left. The family of Çağdaş Erdoğan, the Turkish photographer hotlisted by the British Journal of Photography who recently spent six months in prison on terror-related charges, was among them. Erdoğan scarcely remembers his childhood before his family moved to the western industrial city of Bursa. As a child, the painfully forced exile produced nightmares. He started imagining stories from patches of memories, believing they were real. Zoveser’s idyllic setting is haunted by the ghosts of a dark history brimming with atrocities.
The family guides the cattle to the pasture. (Credit: Özgün Özçer)
As for İdris’ family, they have stayed in the Muş ever since, coming back only for breeding season. İdris used to accompany his father in guiding their cattle, during which time they would cover the 70 kilometres separating their farm near Muş to Heteng in three days. It’s a distance that we could only cover in two-and-a-half hours by vehicle. Once in Heteng, there’s still another 15 minutes on foot to the small meadow where the Sayılgans have set up camp next to a fresh stream.
İdris’ father, Ramazan Sayılgan, greets us with a warm embrace. He has a gentle look with soft and tired eyes. “Are you hungry?” he asks as we are invited to their tent. His wife, Sebiha, brings us milk and fresh kaymak cheese, a cream obtained from yoghurt, that she made herself, as well as milk. All of the children help the family during the breeding season. Ramazan can’t hide his pride when he recounts how well they are doing in their studies and how gifted they are. Unlike many parents in the region, he strived to send his nine children to school despite his meagre income. The nine brothers and sisters are close and often go the extra mile for each other.
İdris is the very picture of his father who, although sunburnt, is a little bit darker than him. He inherited the whiteness of his skin from his mother, whom he calls “the most beautiful woman on earth.” With them are the five youngest of the family. Involving herself in the conversation, eight-year-old Hivda sadly notices that she is the only one with olive skin, like her father. Ramazan Sayılgan is quick to comfort her. “You may be darker but you are such a beautiful, dark-skinned girl.” Hivda giggles cheerfully.
They work together and laugh together, but they also suffer together – like that fateful day when the police came for İdris.
A rifle to the head
It was early in the morning on 17 October, 2016, long before sunrise. The whole house was soundly asleep when their door was broken and ten riot police stormed inside.
“They were screaming ‘police, police!’ I told them: ‘Please be quiet, there is nothing in our house,’” Ramazan Sayılgan says, occasionally mixing Kurdish with his broken Turkish. “I was trying to calm them down and avoid trouble. Then I raised my head and saw that five people were on İdris. That’s when they kicked me in the head.”
İdris Sayılgan’s eight-year-old sister Hivda and 12-year-old Yunus. The family guides the cattle to the pasture. (Credit: Özgün Özçer)
İdris tried to escape their clutches but fell to the floor. Police kicked him repeatedly while threatening him. The blows had left him bleeding. “They are killing İdris!” cried his sister İrem, who was 12 at the time. Police told the family to lie on the ground with their hands on their backs. They pointed a rifle at Ramazan and one of the journalist’s younger brothers, Yunus. “They even pointed two rifles at my head. They have no shame,” Yunus, who was ten-years-old at the time of the raid, says.
Normally, all raids should be filmed as a means of preventing abuse. “But they only started filming after they inflicted their brutality,” Ramazansays. Those who inflicted the beatings have enjoyed complete impunity. The family even saw the commander, a bald officer, when they went to vote during Turkey’s recent presidential elections.
In a written defence submitted to the court, İdris said that when he was brought to the hospital for a mandatory medical examination, doctors effectively turned a blind eye to police brutality by refusing to treat his injuries out of fear of repercussions from the police. To add insult to some very real injuries, İdris was transferred to a prison in Trabzon, some 500 kilometres north on the Black Sea coast, even though there is a prison in Muş. The family, who cannot afford a car, can only visit İdris on rare occasions. İdris was subjected to torture and strip searches after being transferred to Trabzon, where he is held in solitary confinement. “What I have been through is enough to prove that my detention is politically motivated,” the journalist has said in his defence statements.
“Journalism changed him”
After high school, İdris decided to abruptly end his studies and began working as a dishwasher. That, however, only lasted three months before he announced to his father that he wanted to prepare for the national university exams. “When he sets his mind on something, he always tries to do his best. He never puts it off. Nothing feels like it’s too much work for him,” his father tells us. “He didn’t study at first, but when he decided to do so, he devoted himself.”
İdris graduated from the journalism department at the Communication Faculty at the University of Mersin. He then returned to Muş and started to work for the pro-Kurdish Dicle News Agency (DİHA), which today operates under the name Mezopotamya Agency after DİHA was shuttered in 2016, and another iteration, Dihaber, in 2017, both on terror-related allegations. İdris was making a name for himself when he was arrested and now faces between seven-and-a-half and 15 years in prison on the charge of “membership in a terrorist organisation”.
“University and journalism changed him,” 18-year-old İsmail says. “He used to be more irritable. He has been much more cheerful since,” says İsmail, who picked up on his brother’s habit of whistling whenever he comes home. “İdris was even whistling in custody – to the extent that the police asked, ‘How can you remain so upbeat?’”
Sebihan Sayılgan, İdris’ mother, who he calls “the most beautiful woman on earth”. (Credit: Özgün Özçer)
Tuğba remembers endless conversations at nights when İdris would recite poems by Ahmed Arif, a poet from Diyarbakır who was partly Kurdish. Yunus, meanwhile, complains that he only received İdris’ latest letter a full six weeks after it was sent. As for little Hivda, she whispers to us that she just sent him a poem she wrote.
Ramazan adds that İdris is loved by everyone who knows him. At 58, Ramazan continues to work hard but the family faces many adversities. Another son, 21-year-old Mehmet, has also been behind bars for two years. The eldest brother, Ebubekir, who became a math teacher, has been dismissed from the civil service for being a member of the progressive teachers’ union Eğitim-Sen. Ebubekir was well-known for improving the grades of all the students in his classes, but now that he has been forced out of his job, he has gone to Istanbul in an attempt to make ends meet. He will join them a week later to help them during the breeding season.
Since the state of emergency was imposed two years ago, village guards have become ever more self-assured. Like sheriffs in the wild west, they make their own rules. The Sayılgan family, who couldn’t come to the village for two years out of fear following the declaration of a state of emergency, alerts us that village guards often tip off authorities when they see strangers. “The driver of the shuttle is also a village guard,” we are warned. Indeed, we had already introduced ourselves to him as İdris’ friends from university, omitting to reveal our profession. During our trip back, we would tell him of our plans to catch a bus to Van when our real intention was to go north to Varto instead.
İdris Sayılgan’s 18-year-old İsmail who guided us to the meadow, with Hivda and Yunus in the background. (Credit: Özgün Özçer)
Unlike most Kurdish provinces, the ruling Justice and Development Party (AKP), well supported by the conservative voters, won the municipality of Muş in local elections, meaning the government hasn’t appointed trustees to force out elected Kurdish mayors as it has done in other Kurdish areas where it has lost. Police, accordingly, are extremely comfortable. The city abounds with plainclothes police and informants. No precaution is too little. Varto, a town with a majority of Alevis – who are a dissident religious minority with liberal and progressive beliefs – looks like a safer option to spend the night.
I get a sense of how hard it must be for a local Kurdish reporter to work in Muş. It means working behind the adversary’s lines while still living in one’s hometown. It also means never letting your guard down.
We take leave from the family, expressing our hope that İdris will be released at his next hearing on 5 October. “In three months and two days,” his father quickly notes. October will mark two years without his son – two years that a modest but resilient family has endeavoured to fight against state-sponsored injustice with goodwill and affection.
İdris Sayılgan’s father Ramazan, mother Sebiha and sisters Tuğba and İrem pose next to the tent where the family stays. (Credit: Özgün Özçer)
Activist Amal Fathy has been ordered detained. (Photo: Facebook)
Egyptian activist Amal Fathy, who was arrested on 11 May after posting a video criticising sexual harassment in Egypt – of which she herself is a victim – to Facebook, appeared in court on 15 July only to have her hearing for a fourth time by 15 days.
Fathy has been in pre-trial detention since her arrested after publishing the 12-minute video on 9 May, during which time she has shown symptoms of acute stress and was unable to walk unassisted at her 4 July trial, having lost sensation in her left leg. Fathy has a history of chronic depression, bipolar disorder and anxiety, conditions that have only worsened during her detention.
“Egypt is inciting fear on their population by limiting a fundamental human right, which includes the persecution of activists like Amal,” said Perla Hinojosa, fellowships and advocacy officer at Index on Censorship. “Index is also deeply concerned by a new bill that will allow further monitoring of social media accounts, which will make even more difficult for outspoken activists.”
Fathy, along with her husband, Mohamed Lotfy, director of the Index award-winning NGO Egyptian Commission for Rights and Freedoms, and their son, were taken into custody during an early morning raid on their home. As an activist, Fathy has also been vocal about human rights violations in Egypt, especially the arbitrary detention of other activists. Lotfy and their son – who Fathy was the primary carer of before her arrest – were later released.[/vc_column_text][/vc_column][/vc_row][vc_row][vc_column][vc_basic_grid post_type=”post” max_items=”4″ element_width=”6″ grid_id=”vc_gid:1532012897356-010363ff-19af-10″ taxonomies=”147″][/vc_column][/vc_row]
رغم كل شيء، لا يزال عبد العزيز محمد الصبري يبتسم. لكنه لا يستطيع ان لا يشعر بالاكتئاب عندما يرى الصور التي التقطت له قبل بضعة أشهر، والتي يظهر فيها وهو يحمل عدسة كاميراته أو يقوم بتثبيت كاميرا فيديو على حاملها الثلاثي القوائم: “لقد صادرها الحوثيون مني. صادروا كل المعدات التي كنت أملكها. حتى لو أردت الاستمرار في العمل، فلن أكون قادرا على ذلك”، يقول صبري.
صبري هو صحافيّ ومخرج ومصوّر يمني من تعز، المدينة التي شكّلت لفترة وجيزة الجبهة الأكثر دموية في الحرب الاهلية الدائرة في البلاد. وقد عمل صبري في أخطر النقاط الساخنة، حيث قام بتزويد وسائل الإعلام الدولية مثل رويترز و سكاي نيوز بالمواد الصحفية والصور الأصلية من جبهات القتال. “لقد أحببت دائما العمل في الحقل”، يقول صبري، ويضيف: “لقد قمت بعمل جيّد ومثمر حقّا منذ بداية ثورة 2011 “.
منذ بداية الحرب، تدهورت بيئة عمل الصحفيين اليمنيين بشكل مضطرد. على سبيل المثال، خضع الصحفي المخضرم يحيى عبد الرقيب الجبيحي لمحاكمة مغلقة حكمت عليه بالإعدام بعد أن نشر مقالات تنتقد المتمرّدين الحوثيين في اليمن. وقد اختفى العديد من الصحفيين أو تم اعتقالهم، وأغلقت وسائل إعلام عديدة، في خلال السنوات القليلة الماضية.
بحسب صبري، “يواجه قطاع الإعلام وأولئك (الصحفيون) الذين يعملون في اليمن آلة حرب تقوم بسدّ كل الأبواب في وجوهنا، فهي تسيطر على جميع المكاتب المحلية والدولية لوسائل الإعلام. طالت الهجمات والاعتداءات ضدنا 80 بالمئة من الأشخاص الذين يعملون في هذه المهن، من دون أن نشمل الصحفيين الذين قتلوا، كما سجّلت 160 حالة اعتداء وهجوم واختطاف مختلفة. واضطر العديد من الصحافيين إلى مغادرة البلاد للنفاذ بحياتهم مثل صديقي العزيز حمدان البكري الذي كان يعمل لقناة الجزيرة في تعز “.
بعد وقت قصير من اقتحام الشرطة التركية مرتدية معدات مكافحة الشغب مقر مجموعة زمان للإعلام في ٤ مارس / آذار ٢٠١٦ ، رأت سيفجي أكارجشمي أنه لم يكن أمامها سوى خيارين.
امّا أن تصبح أكارجشمي ، رئيسة تحرير صحيفة “تودايز زمان”، وهي أكبر صحيفة يومية تصدر باللغة الإنجليزية في البلاد ، صحفية موالية للحكومة وتمضي أيامها في نشر مقالات تشيد بنظام الرئيس رجب طيب أردوغان الممعن في السلطوية، أو يمكنها الهروب من البلاد وانتقاد النظام من المنفى. بعد أقل من ٤٨ ساعة، كانت أكارجشمي تستقل طائرة متجهة إلى بروكسل هرباً من الاعتقال والسجن.
“لم أكن أرغب في التحول إلى صحافية مؤيدة للحكومة وأن افقد نزاهتي” ، كما تقول في مقابلة أجرتها مع غلوبال جورناليست. “لقد فقدت كل شيء ، ولكن ليس نزاهتي.”
أتى استيلاء الحكومة على مجموعة زمان ، وهي شركة إعلامية متعاطفة مع حركة المعارضة بقيادة رجل الدين المنفي فتح الله غولن ، قبل شهرين من الحملة الواسعة النطاق ضد وسائل الإعلام والمجتمع المدني في أعقاب الانقلاب الفاشل ضد أردوغان. في عام ٢٠١٦ ، اعتقلت تركيا أكثر من ١٤٠ صحفي فيما فقد مئات آخرين وظائفهم ، وفقا لتقرير حقوق الإنسان الصادر عن وزارة الخارجية الأمريكية. تم توجيه تهم إلى ما يقرب من ٤٠٠٠ شخص بسبب إهانة الرئيس أو رئيس الوزراء أو مؤسسات الدولة. وفقًا للجنة حماية الصحفيين ، كانت تركيا تحتجز ٧٣ صحفي في السجن في ديسمبر ٢٠١٧ – وهو أكبر عدد للصحفيين المسجونين في العالم.
وفي الواقع ، حتى في وقت مغادرة أكارجشمي للبلاد ، كانت إدارة أردوغان قد حولت بالفعل الطبعة التركية من “زمان” إلى بوق مؤيد للحكومة.
ولكن حتى قبل اقتحام مكاتب شركة زمان ، واجهت أكارجشمي ضغوطا قانونية من الحكومة. في أوائل عام ٢٠١٥ ، تم تقديمها للمحاكمة بتهمة “إهانة” رئيس الوزراء آنذاك أحمد داود أوغلو في تغريدة اتهمت فيها داود أوغلو بالتغطية على فضيحة فساد تورط فيها أقرباء لكبار المسؤولين.
لكن لم يصبح من الواضح أن حكومة أردوغان لن تتسامح مع الإعلام المستقل حتى إغلاق زمان في عام ٢٠١٦. وحتى بعد أن غادرت أكارجشمي إلى بلجيكا ، استمرت الحكومة التركية في اتخاذ إجراءات عقابية ضدها ، حيث داهمت شقتها في اسطنبول وألغت جواز سفرها. قضت أكارجشمي ، التي تبلغ الآن ٣٩ عامًا ، أكثر من عام في بلجيكا قبل مجيئها إلى الولايات المتحدة في مايو ٢٠١٧. وهي تعيش الآن في الولايات المتحدة ، حيث تعمل كصحفية مستقلة وتبحث عن وظيفة بدوام كامل ، وتحدثت مع ليلي كوزاك من غلوبال جورناليست عن منفاها.
غلوبال جورناليست: كيف انتهى الأمر بك بترك تركيا؟
أكارجشمي : كما يمكنك أن تتخيلين ، إنها قصة طويلة لأن تركيا لم تصبح ديكتاتورية بين عشية وضحاها. مثل كل شيء آخر ، كانت عملية تدريجية. كانت عملية سريعة ، ولكنها لا تزال تدريجية. كان التاريخ ٦ مارس ٢٠١٦ [عندما] غادرت اسطنبول فجأة. قبل يومين من رحيلي ، استولت الحكومة بقيادة أردوغان على صحيفتنا بتهم ، بالطبع سخيفة ، حول الإرهاب ودعم الإرهاب. ولأنني كنت المدير التنفيذي الأول لصحيفة “تودايز زمان” اليومية الإنجليزية ، كنت أعرف أنها مسألة وقت قبل ان تقوم الحكومة بملاحقتي أيضًا.
قبل أربعة أشهر من ذلك ، في ديسمبر / كانون الأول ٢٠١٥ ، تلقيت عقوبة [بالسجن] مع وفق التنفيذ بسبب تغريدات لي. في الواقع ، لم تكن حتى تغريداتي الخاصة بل كانت بعض التعليقات التي وضعت تحت تغريدة لي. رفع رئيس الوزراء في ذلك الوقت دعوى ضدي، وتلقيت حكما بالسجن مع وقف التنفيذ. لذلك كان هناك بالفعل اضطهاد ، وكنت أعرف أن تركيا لم يكن لديها سجل حريات جيد فيما يتعلق بالصحافة. ولكن كان الأمر يزداد سوءًا، واستهدفت الحكومة بشكل أساسي مجموعتنا الإعلامية. كان من الواضح تقريبا أنها ستكون مسألة وقت.
ان قرار مغادرة بلدك بحقيبتين فقط صعبا…وخاصة أنه فجأة ودون إبلاغ أي شخص لأنه قد يتم إيقافك على الحدود. تم حظر الكثير من الناس من السفر إلى الخارج. لذلك كنت متوترة وخائفة من أن يتم منعي من السفر للخارج ، لكن لحسن الحظ ، تمكنت من المغادرة. بالنظر الى الخلف، أدركت أنه كان أفضل قرار اتخذته في حياتي لأنني كنت سأكون في السجن الآن ، مثلي مثل زملائي.
غلوبال جورناليست: هل تلقيتم تهديدات شخصيا؟
أكارجشمي : نعم عبر وسائل الإعلام الاجتماعية. مثل زملائي توقفت عن التغريد باللغة التركية، أنا فقط أغرد باللغة الإنجليزية من وقت لآخر. يمكن لأي ناقد أن يخبرك أن جيشًا من المتصيدين يستهدفك ويضايقك.
غلوبال جورناليست: كيف توصلت إلى استنتاج أنه يجب عليك المغادرة؟
أكارجشمي : كان قراراً فجائيا جدا. في اليومين بين مداهمة الشرطة [٤ مارس ٢٠١٦] ومغادرتي، تحدثت فقط إلى [عبد الحميد بيليسي] ، رئيس تحرير المجموعة الإعلامية الأكبر. كما تم فصله من وظيفته، وكان أيضا في خطر. لكنه لم يرغب في المغادرة على الفور. كان يعتقد أنه بحاجة إلى البقاء لدعم الصحفيين المبتدئين. لكنني شعرت أنه في حال تم اعتقالي ، لم اكن سأتحمل ظروف السجن في تركيا. قلت لنفسي أنه يجب علي المغادرة.
لذلك كنت متوترة جداً في المطار لأنني لم أكن أعرف ما إذا كان جواز سفري قد ألغي. لقد كانت لحظة لا تنسى أنا فقط أتذكر المشي عبر الجمارك وشبابيك الهجرة والشعور بالقلق الشديد. كان الأمر مضحكًا لأنني كنت مجرد صحفية. كنت أعرف أنني لم أرتكب أي جريمة، لكنني أدركت أن ذلك لم يكن كافيًا لإنقاذي من اضطهاد محتمل أو منع سفري. لقد شعرت بالارتياح عندما هبطنا في بروكسل.
في يوليو / تموز ، عندما غادرت بلجيكا وكنت في طريقي إلى الولايات المتحدة ، أُخرجت من الطائرة لأنني أخبرت أن جواز سفري غير صالح. فلقد حدث ما أخشاه بالفعل، ولكن لحسن الحظ حدث ذلك بعد أن غادرت تركيا.
غلوبال جورناليستكيف شعرت بعد اضطرارك لمغادرة تركيا بغتة؟
أكارجشمي : كان شعور كبير بالاضطراب. أنت تشعرين بنوع من الوحشة من بلدك. في اليوم الذي قررت فيه المغادرة ، شعرت بالفعل أن تركيا كانت حالة ميؤوس منها ولم يكن هناك مستقبل لي في تركيا. على مدى العامين الماضيين ، كنت أشعر بخيبة أمل شديدة [من] بلدي ومجتمعي الأصلي لأن [الناس] ظلوا صامتين في مواجهة الاضطهاد. حتى أنهم كانوا يدعمون أردوغان.
لذلك أشعر أنه لم يعد وطني ، على الرغم من أنه لا يزال لدي أحبّة [هناك]. لا يزال قلبي وعقلي مع جميع هؤلاء السجناء، ولا سيما ضحايا التطهير ، وهم عشرات الآلاف من الناس ، وليسوا فقط من الصحفيين ، بل من جميع مناحي الحياة.
غلوبال جورناليستهل لديك أي أمل في العودة؟
أكارجشمي : ليس لدي أمل. لن يتحسن الوضع. تصادر الحكومة المزيد والمزيد من وسائل الإعلام كل يوم. لا توجد وسائل إعلام حرة … باستثناء بعض القنوات التلفزيونية على شبكة الإنترنت والصحف من المنفى ، لا وجود للصحافة المستقلة. يتم التحكم في السردية بكاملها من قبل الحكومة. للأسف ، أنا متشائمة جدًا. لا أرى مهربا على المدى القصير.
Risks, Rights & Reputations (RRR) is a half-day training programme developed by Index on Censorship, What Next? and Cause4 to provide arts and cultural leaders with the guidance, inspiration, tools and resources to navigate the rights and responsibilities of producing challenging or socially sensitive work.
Challenging a Risk Averse Culture
“In recent years there have been an increasing number of high-profile cases raising ethical and censorship issues around plays, exhibitions and other artworks. Censorship – and self-censorship – can stand in the way of great art. That’s why Arts Council England is committed to supporting those organisations who are taking creative risks. It’s important that organisations are aware of relevant legislation and the excellent guidance that exists. This programme is an important step in ensuring that our sector can continue to create vital, challenging, and risk-taking work.” – Sir Nick Serota, chair of Arts Council England
Navigating the rights and responsibilities of art that explores socially sensitive themes can appear daunting, risky and time-consuming. We have seen work cancelled or removed, because it was provocative or the funder controversial. But, for arts and culture to be relevant, dynamic and inclusive, we have to reinforce our capacity to respond to the most complex and provocative questions.
“This important and necessary project is a great opportunity to learn and discuss with others the increasing challenges we face in the arts sector, particularly in the context of socially engaged practise and public spaces.” – Mikey Martins, Artistic Director and Joint CEO, Freedom Festival Arts Trust
Session Content
The session addresses the challenges and opportunities related to artistic risk and freedom of expression. It aims to encourage participants to voice concerns and experiences within a supportive environment and programme of presentations, discussion and group work. By the end of day participants will:
Understand the legal and rights framework supporting artistic freedom in the UK;
Learn from analysis of recent controversies in the arts;
Gain confidence in decision-making and planning for potentially controversial work;
Manage expectations relating to the role of the police;
Discover the value of creating an ethical fundraising policy;
Benefit from access to new tools, resources and ongoing support from peers and experts beyond the session.
Participants
The session is open to artistic directors, CEOs, Senior management and trustees of arts organisations.
To date, RRR sessions have been delivered in Manchester, London and Bristol, with Arts Council national and regional offices and in partnership with the Freedom Festival Arts Trust, Hull.
“I feel more confident to speak up when talking to leaders about policy, process and practice when it comes to issues around artistic risk-taking / freedom of expression and ethical fundraising. I feel more empowered to be a useful, knowledgeable sounding board for the organisation’s I support than I did previously.” – Relationship Manager, Arts Council England[/vc_column_text][/vc_column][/vc_row][vc_row css=”.vc_custom_1510749691901{padding-top: -150px !important;}”][vc_column][vc_separator][vc_column_text]
UPCOMING TRAINING
We are currently accepting bookings from CEO/Artistic Directors, Chairs, individual Board Members and senior team members across the country for our upcoming RRR training sessions:[/vc_column_text][vc_row_inner][vc_column_inner width=”1/6″][vc_column_text]Date[/vc_column_text][/vc_column_inner][vc_column_inner width=”1/6″][vc_column_text]ACE Region[/vc_column_text][/vc_column_inner][vc_column_inner width=”1/6″][vc_column_text]Venue[/vc_column_text][/vc_column_inner][vc_column_inner width=”1/6″][vc_column_text]Host[/vc_column_text][/vc_column_inner][vc_column_inner width=”1/6″][vc_column_text]Trainers[/vc_column_text][/vc_column_inner][vc_column_inner width=”1/6″][vc_column_text]Tickets[/vc_column_text][/vc_column_inner][/vc_row_inner][vc_row_inner][vc_column_inner width=”1/6″][vc_column_text]15 November 2018, 12:30 – 17:30[/vc_column_text][/vc_column_inner][vc_column_inner width=”1/6″][vc_column_text]London[/vc_column_text][/vc_column_inner][vc_column_inner width=”1/6″][vc_column_text]Young Vic Theatre[/vc_column_text][/vc_column_inner][vc_column_inner width=”1/6″][vc_column_text]Kwame Kwei-Armah (Artistic Director)[/vc_column_text][/vc_column_inner][vc_column_inner width=”1/6″][vc_column_text]Julia Farrington, Index on Censorship;
Michelle Wright, Cause4
Diane Morgan, director Nitrobeat[/vc_column_text][/vc_column_inner][vc_column_inner width=”1/6″][vc_column_text]From £25. Book tickets for the Young Vic Theatre session[/vc_column_text][/vc_column_inner][/vc_row_inner][vc_row_inner][vc_column_inner width=”1/4″][vc_single_image image=”103263″ img_size=”full”][/vc_column_inner][vc_column_inner width=”3/4″][vc_column_text]Host: Kwame Kwei-Armah, Artistic Director, Young Vic[/vc_column_text][vc_column_text]
“The work produced and directed on stages across the UK has made unprecedented strides in putting ideas, visual or otherwise, to audiences since the UK Theatre Act was overturned in 1968. That said, it’s our duty as theatre makers to keep the torch burning and ensure the legacy of those who campaigned continues. We can do that by never believing there isn’t a boundary that can’t be pushed, or a difficult question we can’t ask.”
“This was a really interesting, thought provoking, relevant and empowering session. I really appreciated the knowledge and the care taken to pull it together. Thank you!” – Participant – CEO
The RRR team consists of specialists and facilitators in freedom of expression, artistic risk and ethical fundraising alongside Artistic Director/CEO hosts who are committed to asking the difficult questions of our time:[/vc_column_text][vc_row_inner][vc_column_inner width=”1/3″][vc_single_image image=”103264″ img_size=”full” add_caption=”yes”][vc_column_text]Julia Farrington has specialised in artistic freedom, working at the intersection between arts, politics and social justice, since 2005. She was previously Head of Arts (at Index on Censorship (2009 – 2014) and continues her pioneering work on censorship and self-censorship as Associate Arts Producer. From 2014 – 2016, Julia was head of campaigns for Belarus Free Theatre. She now works freelance and is a member of International Arts Rights Advisors (IARA), facilitator for Arts Rights Justice Academy and Impact Producer for Doc Society, promoting documentary film as a powerful advocacy tool.[/vc_column_text][/vc_column_inner][vc_column_inner width=”1/3″][vc_single_image image=”103265″ img_size=”full” add_caption=”yes”][vc_column_text]Diane Morgan is the Director of nitroBEAT and a consultant/producer. She works in collaboration with artists, leaders and organisations to support (and merge) artistic risk taking and social engagement ideas, practices and approaches. Previous roles include; Project Manager for the Cultural Leadership Programme, Decibel lead for Arts Council West Midlands and Head of Projects at Contact Theatre, Manchester.[/vc_column_text][/vc_column_inner][vc_column_inner width=”1/3″][vc_single_image image=”103266″ img_size=”full” add_caption=”yes”][vc_column_text]Helen Jenkins is a consultant for Cause4, a social enterprise that supports charities, social enterprises and philanthropists to develop and raise vital funds across the arts, education and charity sectors. She has over 20 years experience of working across all fundraising disciplines in senior management and at Board level. Helen has helped organisations nationally and internationally to achieve fundraising targets and retain their ethics within challenging financial climates.[/vc_column_text][/vc_column_inner][/vc_row_inner][vc_separator][/vc_column][/vc_row][vc_row][vc_column][vc_column_text]
Booking Information
Fees
£45 for individuals from organisations with an annual turnover of over £500K.
£80for two individuals fromorganisationswith an annual turnover of over £500K
£25 for individuals from organisations with an annual turnover of over £250-500K
£40 for two individuals from organisations with an annual turnover £250-500K
Bursaries
Diversity and equality are essential to both the dialogue and learning around artistic risk-taking and for stronger a cultural sector. The programme is actively seeking to be fully representative of, reflect, and to meet the needs of the arts and cultural community across; gender, race, disability, sexual orientation, religion and class.
In order to respond to existing under-representation we are offering a limited number of bursaries to cover the training session fee for BAME and disabled CEO/Artistic Directors, Chairs, individual Board Members and Senior team members, and individuals from organisations with an annual turnover of under £250k who are currently living and working in England.
To apply for a bursaryplease write to: [email protected] with a short description of your organisation and why you would like to attend this session. Deadline: Friday 9 November.
Access
We aim to provide an inclusive environment and will work with individual participants to make sure we can meet your access needs, such as providing support workers or British Sign Language interpreters or preparing programme materials in alternative formats. Our experienced facilitators aim to be as flexible as possible in order to make the programme work for your particular needs. For access queries please write to [email protected][/vc_column_text][vc_column_text]
When: Thursday 15 November 2018, 12:30–5:30pm
Where: Young Vic, 66 The Cut, Waterloo, London SE1 8LZ
Tickets: From £25 via Eventbrite
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Leading human rights lawyers from Doughty Street Chambers have submitted a new complaint to the United Nations regarding Egypt’s treatment of Amal Fathy, the detained wife of a co-founder of the award-winning human rights group the Egyptian Commission for Rights and Freedoms (ECRF). 
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