Radio Redux

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DISPATCHES

THE PURSUIT OF SECRECY
Richard Norton-Taylor:
How the courts stopped Labour’s cover-up

RADIO REDUX

From unsung heroes to shock jocks, Index looks at free speech on the airwaves

RULERS OF THE AIRWAVES
Gillian Reynolds:
The key to radio’s success

LOOKING FOR AMERICA
Joe Queenan:
Talk radio is the battleground for the USA’s soul

OPEN MIKE
Aryeh Neier: Free speech remains the best antidote

CULTURE OF CAUTION
Martin Semukanya:
Rwandan journalists are still rebuilding credibility

RADIO WAVES: FACTS AND FIGURES
Liam Hodkinson & Elizabeth Stitt

THE WORLD STRIKES BACK
Irena Maryniak: The broadcast revolution has rewritten the rules

NEW WAVES
Richard Sambrook: International radio can no longer go it alone

MARTIN ROWSON’S STRIPSEARCH

GOOD MORNING BELGRADE
Adrienne Van Heteren:
The triumph of B92

RULES OF ENGAGEMENT
Maria Eismont:
Alexei Venediktov on the secret of his survival

RADIO SILENCE
Vugar Gojayev:
Azerbaijan’s shrinking media landscape

DAB IS DEAD
Grant Goddard:
How the digital dream turned sour

LOCAL HERO
Carlos Flores Borja:
A Peruvian station’s battle to broadcast

INTERUPTED SERVICE
Aleida Calleja:
Community radio on the front line in Mexico

PIRACY GOES KOSHER
Anat Balint:
Israeli settlers join the media game

TABOO BUSTER
Kirsten Ess Schurr:
Jordan’s hero of the airwaves

REAL LIVES
Shirazuddin Siddiqi:
The programme the Taliban couldn’t ban

TOO FAST TOO FREE
Ernest Waititu
: How Kenya’s broadcasters fell foul of the law

INDEX INDEX

BODY WORKS

COVERED UP
Marge Berer:
The full frontal that got pulled

MAKE ME BEAUTIFUL
Omid Salehi:
Inside the world of Iranian cosmetic surgery

FICTION

MY BEST FRIEND
An exclusive extract from Javad Mahzadeh’s new novel

World Cup Watch: North Korea

Much may have changed in the 44 years since North Korea last fielded a team at the World Cup, but the country’s government remains as staunch as ever in controlling the flow of information both to and from its citizens.

Thus far, the addition of totalitarianism to the cosmopolitan, carnivalesque mix of the World Cup has been not only a sinister but faintly surreal exercise, with journalists attending yesterday’s training session outside Johannesburg turned away in farcical circumstances. Having been told that the practice would be open to the media, anyone turning up found the gates barred, and their presence most definitely unwelcome. A small number of photographers were accidentally let into the padlocked and guarded stadium, but were hurriedly ejected as the team bus arrived.

Previously, head coach Kim Jong-Hun had, somewhat sneakily, attempted to trade on the mystery surrounding his players by registering one of his reserve centre forwards as a goalkeeper (FIFA rules state that each team’s squad must include three keepers); his plan backfired, however, when he was found out, and told that striker Kim Myong Won would now only be able to play in goal.

Not that those cheering for the North Koreans are likely to notice the difference: the 1,000 or so North Korean supporters currently in South Africa are actually a cohort of Chinese actors and musicians hired out to cover the fact that few North Koreans possess the necessary funds and permission to travel to watch the tournament. Back at home, television coverage is likely to excise any mention of the team’s defeats or poor performances.

Government supervision also extends to the players themselves. Hong Young Jo, one of the few squad members to play his club football outside North Korea, was interviewed by the Russia’s Sport-Express newspaper in 2008, alongside a burly “translator” from North Korea’s security forces, who followed him at all times, granting or denying permission for Hong to speak to journalists or go for dinner with his team-mates.

The more sinister side of North Korea’s involvement in the tournament was underlined by the protests that greeted the team’s arrival in Zimbabwe for a series of warm-up matches at the beginning of June. Zimbabwean security forces trained by the North Korean army were responsible for brutally quashing a 1987 insurgency in the province of Matabeleland, killing between 8,000 and 20,000 civilians; when the North Korean team were invited to stay in Bulawayo, the province’s capital, mass public outrage caused the entire trip to be abandoned.

However, North Korea’s policy of insulating their team from scrutiny may collide with FIFA’s approach to publicity within the next few days: their rules state that all teams must be available for media appearances at least 5 days before their first game. With North Korea kicking off their campaign on June 15, it’s likely that we will shortly get to see players and coaches communicating directly with the international press. The extent to which they’ll be able to speak freely is slightly harder to predict.

Counter-productive censorship

In Bangladesh a pro-opposition Bengali-language newspaper Amar Desh has been closed down, allegedly because of publishing irregularities. Reports suggest that more than 200 police stormed the paper’s offices. You don’t have to be a cynic to suspect that the content and stance of the newspaper might have been what is at issue here.

Meanwhile, in Italy, Silvio Berlusconi, who is Italy’s largest media owner, is backing a draft bill that could imprison or impose heavy fines on journalists who report public interest stories that involve wire taps before the final phase of prosecution. Given the length of many trials, this is a serious block on some kinds of reporting.

Curbing the powers of journalists to report information in the public interest either by direct or indirect means is a significant assault on free speech and on the values enshrined in the Universal Declaration of Human Rights. Remove their power to criticise government policy or to expose some types of corruption, and journalists risk becoming organs of propaganda for the ruling party.

If Machiavelli were writing his guidelines for conscienceless princes today, then he would no doubt advocate scaring journalists into cowering submission, making them terrified to publish anything critical of the ruler. Luckily, however, journalism attracts some extraordinarily brave people Anna Politkovskaya, who relentlessly exposed corruption in Putin’s Russia, and was murdered for this, is just one humbling example.

One side effect of the Internet’s invention is that today what is suppressed in one place often reappears somewhere else. In fact the more forceful the attempt to clamp down on what is published, the more likely it is that the views being suppressed will be spread widely. Would-be censors take note. You may be sowing dragon’s teeth.

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