11 Feb 2011 | Comment, Middle East and North Africa, News and features
Shahira Amin, the number two at Nile television, explains why she resigned from Egyptian state television
When I got into the car to drive to work on Thursday 3 February, I had no conscious plans to quit my job. I took the same route I take every day to the Ministry of Information building in Maspiro, Cairo. Everything looked familiar except for the army tanks acting as roadblocks on the Cornish, the main road that runs parallel to the River Nile. It was a strange sight: soldiers gesturing to car drivers to slow down for security checks. Traffic is usually heavy in the morning, but that day there was an eerie silence, the street was empty of vehicles and the atmosphere was tense.
I had stopped briefly at Tahrir Square in downtown Cairo the previous day (Wednesday) to check out what was happening. I was overwhelmed by the size of this historic demonstration. It was exciting to see so many Egyptians united for a common cause and voicing their demands: they wanted to see an end to rampant corruption. They also called on Mubarak to step down. The one word echoing in that square in the first few days of the protest was simply: Go!
For an Egyptian patriot, it was a welcome sight, and the sound of the protesters’ chants was music to my ears. I had never imagined this level of passion was possible from a people that I had long thought were passive, even lifeless, but now the giant had woken.
On Thursday as I drove to work my heart felt heavy. I recalled some of the violent scenes I had watched on my television screen in previous days. One scene that kept flashing before me was the pro-Mubarak men on horseback who had stormed through the crowd, using their whips to terrorise the protesters. It was like a scene from medieval times.
My cell phone rang and I jumped at the sound. It was a colleague from work asking why I was late. I told her that I had stopped several times at checkpoints but would be joining her shortly. I parked in the Semiramis Intercontinental Hotel, which is only a few metres away from the square. It’s close to the TV building too, and I wanted to walk the remainder of the way to work. Even then I hadn’t realised that my legs would take me directly to the square as if my body had been hypnotised by the cries of the demonstrators.
When I got to the square, I knew I couldn’t leave. I took my phone out of my bag and wrote my boss a message. Instead of informing him that I would be late for work, I found myself writing the following words: “Forgive me. I won’t be coming to the building again. I am on the people’s side, not the regime’s.”
The message was clear. I was resigning from my job as deputy director of Nile Television, Egypt’s state-run foreign language satellite channel — a job that up until that moment had been the reason for my existence. I am still not sure what came over me, but I didn’t give this life-changing decision a second thought. I quit, giving up the life I have known for over 20 years without a second’s hesitation.
I was as astonished by my decision as my bosses and workmates were. I had never considered resigning before, and everyone knew how passionate I felt about my job. It wasn’t just a managerial post; I was also a news anchor and senior correspondent. Producing feature and news stories was what I enjoyed most about the job. I have travelled the world covering major events, interviewing scores of prominent figures. I have even risked my life on a number of occasions, covering sectarian unrest on the Thai-Malaysian border, and the Gaza war 2008-9. But perhaps being in war zones wasn’t quite as dangerous as falling out of favour with this ruthless regime.
I have on occasion ruffled feathers with my reporting. Whenever that happened, it was customary to get a phone call froma state security official who would question my motives, reprimand me for “tarnishing the country’s image” and warn that the next time I would not be let off the hook.
But until now, things had been OK and I had — I believe — managed to push the boundaries of free speech even further with every “controversial” story that was aired.
So why did I resign and had I ever considered doing so before? Let me answer the second question first: no, never. I loved my work and had never felt restricted despite the threats from state security or occasional rebukes from my bosses for “crossing the red lines”. These so-called red lines usually meant interviewing opposition figures or expressing an opinion that ran counter to the official view.
My station, Nile TV, broadcasts in English and French. The target audience is different from other state TV channels — our viewers are elite, educated members of society and the foreign community in Egypt. That’s why Nile TV got away with more than other state channels. But in this latest uprising, the situation was different.
From day one, we were clearly instructed to follow the rules. We had to follow the line taken by the Arabic broadcasts on the main local channel, and broadcast what they were broadcasting. First, viewers watching Nile TV were to be given the impression that this was a normal protest to express dissatisfaction at the high food prices and an even higher unemployment rate. There would be no mention of the protesters wanting the president to step down.
Second, they were to be informed that the protest was organised by the outlawed Muslim Brotherhood (not the young activists and internet users who were really responsible for its launch). And third, that foreign agents were fomenting the unrest, fanning the flames of sectarianism and fuelling the instability to serve their own hidden agendas.
That, I believed, was a hugely distorted version of the story. Here was a historic revolution happening in our country. It was, and is, unprecedented in scale and intensity. The Muslim Brotherhood aren’t at the helm as the government would have us believe: the instigators were members of the 6 April Movement that had supported the labour riots at Mehallah el Kobra in 2008 and the ‘We are All Khaled Said’ group — named after the young man beaten to death by police in Alexandria in June 2008.
Political forces like the Brotherhood and members of the liberal Wafd Party did come on board later, but the revolution remains all-inclusive, with no political or religious agenda. The only flag raised in Tahrir square is the Red, White and Black Egyptian flag. That’s the truth.
But instead of showing what was going on in Tahrir, the pro-Mubarak rallies outside the state television building dominated our coverage on the 2 February. Here was history in the making in my own backyard and I wasn’t able to tell Egyptians the story of what was unfolding. Instea,d Egyptian audiences had to rely on Dubai-based al Arabiya and other news channels. Al Jazeera had been taken off air because of what an anchor on state TV described as incitement and bias (without mentioning the channel by name).
For any journalist, the experience of holding back information is agonising and feeding the public lies is career suicide. You stand to lose your credibility and integrity. Last Thursday, I knew I could no longer be the mouthpiece of a regime that uses such brutal tactics to silence voices of dissent.
If I continued to be part of the regime’s propaganda machine, it would mean that I too would be implicated in their crimes. I would have the blood of the innocent martyrs on my hands. So far, 300 people have been killed in these protests and thousands have been injured. Many more could lose their lives in the coming days and weeks if the situation continues unresolved.
Having left my job, I now spend most of my day in Tahrir Square with the protesters. Yesterday, I overheard a young mother tell her little child, “Be patient, the road to freedom is never easy. We are on the first step in a long and difficult road but we will get there.” I wish I was as confident as her.
I left Tahrir Square thinking: these protesters are willing to sacrifice their lives for freedom. That’s a much higher price to pay than losing a job.
11 Feb 2011 | Egypt, Middle East and North Africa
I watched President Hosni Mubarak’s speech Thursday night from Tahrir Square, where a live broadcast of Al Jazeera was being projected onto a sheet hanging from some lamp-posts. The sound was terrible, so it was hard to hear too much of what he was actually saying, but really that didn’t matter too much.
Even without hearing every word, the crowds gathered around me could tell within about two minutes that things weren’t going to go the way they had expected.
I had spent the previous hour wandering the square gathering up ecstatic quotes from thronging crowds who honestly believed tonight would be the end of the Mubarak regime. Just why they thought that will emerge in news reports over the coming days. Several credible news organisations ran with the news that he would be resigning and President Barak Obama — in his comments both before and after the speech — certainly seemed like a man who fully expected to hear something different.
Either way, Tahrir was absolutely ecstatic. People were hugging and congratulating each other. Several concerts and poetry readings broke out on the various stages that have been assembled. I’ve never seen so many Egyptian flags outside of a football match, nor heard the national anthem sung with such enthusiasm.
The overall mood was that the people had won, and that Egyptians had accomplished something that would have been unthinkable just two months ago — and something that would serve as a model for a potential domino effect of Middle Eastern democratic revolutions.
As Mubarak continued and it became clear that there was no resignation coming tonight, the crowd’s mood shifted from euphoric anticipation to a sort of grim realisation of what was really taking place. There was a brief sense of deflation that was quickly replaced by fast-rising anger. People in Tahrir are wondering just what they have to do to deliver their message in a form that Mubarak will understand.
I approached one young veiled woman in her early 30s who looked particularly upset and asked her how she felt. She identified herself as a schoolteacher and said simply: “I feel hatred.”
Look for new, possibly more aggressive, tactics to emerge from the protest movement in the coming days as the demonstrators seek new ways to turn up the pressure on Mubarak’s regime. Organisers will continue to emphasise the peaceful ethos that has carried them this far and kept them on good terms with the army.
But as of early Thursday morning, a decision had apparently been made to expand beyond Tahrir Square and occupy more of the city. As of 4 am Cairo time, the Information Ministry was surrounded and a crowd estimated at about 3000 had reached the presidential palace in the Heliopolis district — several miles away from Tahrir — and appeared to be digging in for an extended sit-in.
10 Feb 2011 | Iran, Middle East and North Africa
In a New York Times op-ed last week, These Revolutions Are Not All Twitter, Andrew Woods raises the significance of “a phenomenon called pluralistic ignorance — situations in which people keep their true preferences private because they believe their peers do not or will not share their beliefs”.
Public taxis in Iran are communal, men and women are crammed together for short pre-designated shared rides, and cabs have always been a hub for the latest views and news. A few months ago, I heard rumours of plain clothes “observers” using Tehran’s taxis to monitor conversations so it was great to see from the following account of a journey that this great oral tradition is alive and well. Here passengers openly voice their opinions on the latest developments in Egypt:
I’ve translated an extract from the original:
The car’s a Pride [Korean Hyundai model that replaced the familiar orange Hillman Hunter on Tehran’s streets] and all four passengers are women. I’m pleased because even if we’d had to squash into a Samand at least the one next to you is a woman and won’t eagerly cram herself next to you.
The radio is on so loud that the driver doesn’t hear us when we enquire about the fare. The woman next to me taps him on the shoulder and asks him to turn it down.
I say: “You’re all young. Radio’s for old men.”
The woman in front turns back to look at me angrily. The driver says nothing and I lower my head in silence like a good girl. I put on my handsfree set and turn up the music. The gong of the news hour goes and he turns the volume up.
We don’t have an antenna for the TV at home and it’s been a few days since I’ve heard the news and Iran’s stance on events in Tunisia and Egypt. I press the pause button and listen.
The presenter is introducing a woman chanting “Allah Akbar” on the streets of Egypt. She’s saying: “Two of my children were killed in the struggle against oppression, another of my children is taking part in the demonstrations with me. We will fight with our last drop of blood in the road to Islam…”
The driver starts cursing saying: “These bastards think we’re stupid. They would love it if Egypt became another ’57 [Iranian revolution of 1979] so they can bring about another revolution and the gentlemen [referring to Mullahs] can take the power seat.”
The woman observing strict hijab sitting in front looks the driver up and down and says: “Why, how old are you my son? You don’t remember those days and don’t know what took place and what happened. It was these same religious kids who brought about our revolution and if the BBC and the like would let us be, we’d be living our lives. None of you remember. You’re misjudging.”
The woman next to me who is older than the woman in front says: “Lady, tell me, not [indicating me and the driver] these youngsters who don’t remember anything. But you and I, we know, we’re just burying our head in the snow. Was it really like this? I was a teacher at Firouzkouh and my father’s house was in Tehran. That last month we never went to work. With the other teachers we’d make a picnic bite to eat and go straight to the demonstrations. Our head, God bless him, paid our salaries all the same. We were rabid. A few mojaheddin and militants screaming about our oil money and yelling about foreign interference, and we a bunch of uneducateds, how could we have known that they would do this to us.”
The grinning driver who until now had stayed silent, says: “Come on, our family’s full of martyrs…my uncle was martyred in the war, my father is a veteran…he works with cars now. He drives heavy goods vehicles. He was contaminated in the war and can’t wear shoes now, he has to wear slippers. He was right there at the demonstrations in the revolution and he’s full of regret now. He says ‘not that the Shah was good’ as this lady says, if he’d been good people wouldn’t have come out on the streets in protest, but he says ‘if we’d known it would end up like this, we wouldn’t have made a revolution.’”
The woman next to me is so angry her hands are shaking as she pays the driver, she turns to the woman in the front seat saying: “My dear lady, things haven’t been bad for you Hezbollah types, it’s the ordinary people who’ve suffered. We’re ruined.”
I feel it’s time I joined the debate. I say: “No, let’s be fair. They’ve done exactly what the Pahlavis did to the people, but not making a comparison, they weren’t bloodthirsty. But now, yes, people are much worse off.”
No one says anything. We’re stuck in traffic. The radio is on playing news analysis on Egypt. Once again the driver has turned the volume up. I’m sweating and wind the window down for some air. The wind hits my forehead, it gives me a good feeling. Today is 12 Bahman [the day Khomeini returned to Iran]. The noise and fumes and traffic give no indication of the people’s jubilation 31 years before. I think to myself that other than myself and the driver, there are three people in this taxi who have breathed the atmosphere of pre-revolution Iran. An atmosphere that in this taxi is depicted in two conflicting ways; one defends, the other condemns.
The radio says: “People are tired of un-Islamicness. People are calling for a situation where everyone has the right to speak, not just Mubarak and his family.”
The voices of this argument goes round in my head: “The bombs are all the work of Iran…They want everywhere to become Islamic until they destroy Islam…Tunisia’s different to us, we musn’t compare…Mubarak is like the Shah…It’s the day of the Imam’s coming…The people are happy…Shut up you docile woman…They dragged us to filth…The day of the Imam’s arrival…12 Bahman…Imam…Mobarak…Tunisia.”
I open the window further. The smell of lead and fumes fills the air. The traffic policeman wears a filter mask covering his mouth and conducts the traffic with boards. Schools are closed on Thursday. The Tunisian dog had honour…It was their right to be killed…We haven’t sacrificed martyrs for Mir-Hossein Moussavi to come and take the veils off our women…Come on, that’s enough…Don’t you Neda, Neda me…
I turn up the volume of my handsfree set to drown everything out:
Sattar sings…
“My face red from slapping…”
