Australia’s disproportionate response to online harms

Enacted today, Australia’s ban of selected social media platforms for under 16-year-olds is the most sweeping attempt carried out by a democratic state to address online harms facing young people. While we acknowledge the need to ensure young people are protected from inappropriate content and are supported in how they engage with information and content shared online, this approach raises a number of significant issues.

Any such ban on platforms curtails the user’s ability to navigate the open web and access public-interest information. As a result, it is a disproportionate threat to free expression as outlined in Australian and international law. It could also hinder young peoples’ ability to navigate these online spaces when they do come of age. This was outlined by James Ball after the introduction of the UK’s Online Safety Act’s child protection provisions in July 2025: “If we try to keep young people away from it, they will be woefully underskilled, undersocialised, and unprepared for the world they’ll first encounter as 16-year-olds and 18-year-olds,” he wrote.

The realities of social media mean that the very platforms that give access to inappropriate content also give access to a wider range of content that undoubtedly benefits society. Whether that is public-interest reporting, testimony from those living in authoritarian regimes where state control over conventional media outlets leaves online platforms as the sole route available to access international audiences, or a space for marginalised users to find communities outside their direct environment, social media bans do not attempt to differentiate between the good and the bad. They simply cut young people off from all content hosted or shared on that platform, without giving them the tools or support they need to be able to differentiate, interrogate or navigate this complex but important information ecosystem.

For too long, free expression has been presented as an opposition or explicit threat to young people, with few meaningful conversations about how young people can be supported to access their rights. But young people have free expression rights, alongside a wide range of other human rights. These rights are not only available to them once they turn 16. For instance, Article 13 of the UN Convention on the Rights of the Child states that “[t]he child shall have the right to freedom of expression; this right shall include freedom to seek, receive and impart information and ideas of all kinds, regardless of frontiers, either orally, in writing or in print, in the form of art, or through any other media of the child’s choice.” As in broader international law, this is not an absolute right and the Declaration of the Rights of the Child also acknowledges the need of “special safeguards” for children. However, social media bans for every young person with no way for them to consent to or challenge the law does little to give the child a choice as to the media they can use. In fact, the choice is made on their behalf.

Specific provisions in the Australian law also raise a number of significant questions that, while too early to track in terms of implementation, should be considered. Australia’s social media ban only covers a specific number of platforms, leaving several outside the law’s scope. This is inconsistent. For example, Facebook and Instagram are included, but Messenger and WhatsApp (other platforms owned by Meta) are not. While this will increase the complexity for big platforms to differentiate its access requirements across the different services it provides, it also establishes spaces where young people can turn to to avoid age checks. This could encourage bad faith actors to target their actions towards these unregulated areas in a more concerted and impactful manner. Users who are now unable to access the platforms on which they have established communities will be susceptible to such exploitation, with few avenues of recourse or support.

Any policy of this type requires the significant deployment of untested for-profit tools to ensure young people cannot access the platforms included in the law. With many of these tools, users are required to upload sensitive documents such as a passport or bank card to platforms, or consent to face scanning, run by untested and opaque third-party providers. In many cases, users will not be able to choose different methods or vendors and so will be forced to trust these providers with their sensitive data. This is not without risk. Last month, “68,000 Australian Discord users had their personal information compromised” through a tool the platform used as part of its age assurance checks. The compromised data included “government ID images, names, usernames, email addresses, and some limited billing information”.

Requiring users, including young people over the age of 16 in the case of Australia, to blindly trust such platforms, with limited forms of choice or accountability may require them to choose free expression rights over the rights of privacy. But you cannot have one without the other. Without a private space to call their own or the ability to actively choose what data they share, users may curtail their involvement in online discourse, thus undermining their rights to free expression beyond the objectives of this law. As outlined by the Australian Human Rights Commission, the social media ban “normalises broad-based age checks – whether through ID verification or invisible profiling – and creates vast new datasets about how we live and interact, all just to prove we’re old enough to be on social media.” In an age of rampant digital surveillance carried out by private opaque platforms, whose decisions are informed by profit not rights, we should be cautious as to what data we require to be shared. The development of AI age inference tools raises further fears, especially considering academic studies have monitored “higher false positive rate … for certain groups compared to others” and “that minors from East and West Africa were misclassified as older than they were compared to minors of the same age from the other regions”.

We are concerned that outright bans, like the type enacted in Australia, are presented as a silver bullet to protect young people against inappropriate content. This risks closing the door to a more nuanced and proportionate response that centres young people and incorporates a society-wide approach including anti-monopoly and algorithmic transparency measures, improved educational support, information literacy initiatives, sustainable media funding, the development of young person-specific and young person-created media content, or a more participatory strategy across government and society.

As other countries and bodies, including the European Parliament and the UK, are monitoring Australia’s laws, with many policy-makers calling for the policy to be emulated, we urge extreme caution. One day is wholly insufficient to gauge the impact on young people and we must avoid knee-jerk measures for such an important and complex issue. Bans are seldom the answer to the challenging issues of our time. We owe it to young people to approach this issue with the care, complexity, nuance and depth it requires.

Tyrant of the year 2025: Mullah Hibatullah Akhundzada

More often than not, we talk about “the Taliban” rather than individual leaders in Afghanistan. But this forgets the real human beings driving the decisions. So today we’re using the name of the Supreme Leader of the Islamic Emirate – Mullah Hibatullah Akhundzada. A reclusive leader based in the southern city of Kandahar, since the Taliban’s return to power in 2021 he has presided over the collapse of the Afghan economy, the disappearance of activists, the gutting of media and the removal of girls and women from public life.

Last year the Taliban published its Propagation of Virtue and Prevention of Vice Law, which covered every area of public and private life from rules about women’s covering to beards and music. This June, Akhundzada announced adherence to his decrees was obligatory. One month later, arrest warrants were issued by the International Criminal Court for Akhundzada and his Chief Abdul Hakim Haqqani for their gender-based crimes against humanity.

That didn’t deter him. On the four-year mark of the Taliban takeover in August, Akhundzada doubled down on his demands, threatening any Afghans ungrateful for its hardline rule with severe punishment from God.

It was Akhundzada who issued instructions for the internet to be cut in September, and it was only restored upon the orders of the Taliban’s Prime Minister, Hasan Akhund. So is Akhundzada too extreme even for the Taliban? Perhaps. Either way, despite his low profile, on any objective measure Akhundzada is surely one of the most tyrannical leaders on earth.

To cast your vote, click on your chosen tyrant's face below and then click on the Vote button. And if you want the winner delivered straight to you in early January, sign up to our newsletter – you’ll then be the first to know who claims the crown no one wants.

The closing date is Monday 5 January 2026.

To view the other contenders for Tyrant of the Year, click here.

Vote for your Tyrant of the Year 2025
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If you do not wish to receive the newsletter, the result will be announced on our website in January 2026.

Tyrant of the year 2025: Recep Tayyip Erdoğan

Turkish President Recep Tayyip Erdoğan has been on the path to authoritarianism since he first came to power more than 20 years ago, but even by his standards 2025 has been a particularly repressive year. In March, Erdoğan had Istanbul mayor Ekrem İmamoğlu, the opposition frontrunner for the next presidential election, arrested and jailed in what has been described as a blatantly politically motivated attack.

The Turkish leader is no stranger to such authoritarian tactics, having replaced several elected mayors from opposition parties with government-appointed ones. He’s also targeted activists, journalists and politicians who criticised him with contentious court cases. In the last year, more than 500 people, including 17 mayors, have been detained in opposition-run municipalities around Turkey, but İmamoğlu’s arrest was a major escalation which led to hundreds of thousands of protesters lining the streets of Turkey to condemn the state’s oppressive actions. And what of Erdoğan's response to the widescale protests? It’s been painfully cliched. He labelled the demonstrations “street terrorism”, banned entire major cities from hosting them and arrested thousands, including an AFP photojournalist. He even managed to anger Elon Musk after his government ordered the blocking of over 100 critical accounts.  

İmamoğlu remains in jail. Last month Turkish prosecutors charged him with 142 offences that could amount to up to 2,430 years behind bars if he is found guilty. His real crime? Running against Erdoğan.

To cast your vote, click on your chosen tyrant's face below and then click on the Vote button. And if you want the winner delivered straight to you in early January, sign up to our newsletter – you’ll then be the first to know who claims the crown no one wants.

The closing date is Monday 5 January 2026.

To view the other contenders for Tyrant of the Year, click here.

Vote for your Tyrant of the Year 2025
To find out who is our Tyrant of the Year 2025, please sign up to our weekly newsletter. The newsletter contains news about our campaigns on freedom of expression, details of our work in challenging censorship around the world as well as articles from the Index on Censorship quarterly magazine.
If you do not wish to receive the newsletter, the result will be announced on our website in January 2026.

Tyrant of the year 2025: Vladimir Putin

Russia’s “Father of the Nation” Vladimir Putin is overseeing a predictably grim 2025. He continues killing innocent Ukrainians and sending Russian soldiers to their deaths to sustain the ex-KGB agent’s fantasy of conquering Ukraine. He continues to punish anyone inside Russia who dares to challenge the government line, including a street singer who performed songs against the war. Independent journalists remain silenced and opposition leaders languish in prison on charges so absurd they barely pretend to be legal. According to a recent report by Human Rights Watch, (itself designated an “undesirable organisation” in Russia this year alongside organisations like RSF and Amnesty International), the number of political prisoners has climbed into the thousands. But there’s a twist: even the pro-war movement isn’t safe under Putin, who this year turned on several big Kremlin supporters who he designated “foreign agents” following disagreements over the shape of the war.  

Repression is deeply ingrained in public life and is starting younger and younger. “Children are happiness” Putin likes to say, but does happiness look like a forced daily diet of militarised propaganda, which tells kids that dying in war is noble and dissent is dangerous? Does happiness look like the banning of popular apps, recent ones including Snapchat and Roblox? Does happiness look like hundreds of facilities supporting the transfer and “re-education” of Ukrainian children kidnapped from occupied territories, as a 2025 Yale investigation identified?

Putin is no contender for Father of the Year, but for 2025’s Tyrant of the Year? Absolutely.

To cast your vote, click on your chosen tyrant's face below and then click on the Vote button. And if you want the winner delivered straight to you in early January, sign up to our newsletter – you’ll then be the first to know who claims the crown no one wants.

The closing date is Monday 5 January 2026.

To view the other contenders for Tyrant of the Year, click here.

Vote for your Tyrant of the Year 2025
To find out who is our Tyrant of the Year 2025, please sign up to our weekly newsletter. The newsletter contains news about our campaigns on freedom of expression, details of our work in challenging censorship around the world as well as articles from the Index on Censorship quarterly magazine.
If you do not wish to receive the newsletter, the result will be announced on our website in January 2026.

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