15 Aug 13 | Canada, Digital Freedom, Index Reports, News and features, Politics and Society, Religion and Culture
(Photo illustration: Shutterstock)
Despite having a generally positive free expression record, Canada has, in recent years, taken some regressive steps, driven by court decisions that weakened confidentiality for journalists’ sources, obstructions to reporting during Quebec’s student protests and the introduction of a bill, which was later withdrawn, but would have allowed the government to monitor Canadians in real-time without the need for a warrant.
Conservative Prime Minister Steven Harper’s government has been criticised by activists for its tightening of access to information and slow response time to requests. Harper is accused of banning government-funded scientists from speaking to reporters about climate research. The country’s 30-year-old Access to Information Act (ATIA) is also highlighted as an obstacle.
Canada’s Provincial governments exercise strong influence on the rights of the media and individuals. During the so-called “Maple Spring” in 2012 Quebec passed an emergency law aimed at stifling student protests against tuition increases.
Media Freedom
Cases challenging source confidentiality and various proposed bills have given free expression campaigners pause about the state of media freedom.
Currently, there are concerns about a move to foster tighter regulation of state-owned Crown corporations which would have potentially chilling effects on the Canadian Broadcasting Corporation and Radio Canada. Bill C-60 “gives the Treasury Board the right to approve Crown Corporations’ negotiating mandates, have a Board employee present at the negotiations between unions and management, and to approve the new contracts at the end of the process.“ The worry is that C-60 would lead to a deterioration of the arms-length relationship between the government and CBC, the country’s independent public broadcaster. A group of free expression organisations are calling for the CBC to be exempt from the Bill.
Canadian Journalists for Free Expression’s 2012-2013 report outlines a systemic failure of the Canadian government to respond to requests for information, particularly around climate change research. The report details that some government-funded scientists must seek permission from the country’s Privy Council before speaking to the press – even in cases where the research is already published. As CJFE points out, delayed information often leads to journalism denied. The group singles out the Department of Fisheries and Oceans for seeking to muzzle its scientists.
Two 2010 court cases have dealt with journalistic privilege head on. While Canada’s Supreme Court Justices have stopped short of offering blanket confidentiality, they have stressed that compelling journalists to reveal sources should be extraordinary and not the rule, recognizing that investigative reporting plays an important role in society. Instead, tests should be applied on a case by case basis. In addition, the court ruled that journalists have the right to publish confidential material from a source — even when the source has no right to divulge the information or has obtained it by illegal means.
Digital Freedom
With widespread access and improving infrastructure for native groups in the country’s far north, Canada’s digital freedom environment can be seen as healthy. However, government efforts to monitor online activity in the name of security, a growing concentration of bandwidth ownership and outdated laws on privacy have troubling implications.
Digital freedom has risen to the forefront of concerns in Canada. Introduced in 2012, Bill C-30 would have allowed real-time surveillance of Canadians. The law was attacked as an unprecedented intrusion in the online life of Canadians and would have forced internet providers to install costly systems to track web usage. After being recast as a proposal meant to protect children from exploitation, the bill was eventually withdrawn in February 2013.
In February 2013, Canada’s government shelved Bill C-30, the Lawful Access Bill, in the face of widespread condemnation. Among other things, the proposed law would have allowed warrantless online surveillance. While the government presented the law as a child protection measure, opponents focused on the population-wide intrusion into the online lives of all Canadians. The bill would have also forced communications companies to undertake a costly implementation of technologies to monitor and record internet traffic. The abandonment of the bill was hailed as a victory by free expression advocates.
Canada’s Canada’s Personal Information Protection and Electronic Documents Act, which is an outdated 2001 law on consumer privacy is also a threat to digital freedom. The country’s top official on privacy, Jennifer Stoddart, has asked the government to give her the power to fine companies found to be in breach of rules. At present, companies are not required to disclose personal data breaches. Bill C-12, would have amended the law, but failed to move forward after its second reading in the Canadian Parliament. However, that proposal also drew criticism from open internet activists because it would give police access to user information without judicial oversight or notification to the affected party.
Artistic freedom
Artistic freedom in Canada is protected by The Constitution Act of 1982, which contains the Canadian Charter of Rights and Freedoms.
Artistic endeavours often encounter difficulty in Canada due to a lack of available stable funding from the private sector. This can result in a reliance on federal or provincial funding, which means that governments can try to rein in artistic work they feel is controversial by threatening to withdraw funding.
In 2010, the government pulled funding from the Toronto theatre and music festival SummerWorks, after it displayed a play the government felt glorified terrorism. SummerWorks efforts were seriously damaged as a result — government funding accounted for 20 percent of the festival’s finances. Funding was later restored in 2012.
The Ontario Film Review Board, a governmental body once known as the Board of Censors when established in 1911, answers to the Minister of Consumer Services. Its activities are supported by the Film Classification Act, 2005.
In April 2007, after much dispute amongst the artistic community in Canada, MPs removed the artistic merit defence from Canada’s Criminal Code. The defence was originally granted by the Supreme Court of Canada in 2004, but Conservative MP Pierre Lemieux attempted once again to table the Private Member’s Bill C-430, which would remove artistic defence and replace it with public good.
This article was originally published on 16 Aug 2013 at indexoncensorship.org. Index on Censorship: The voice of free expression
18 Jul 13 | Americas, Canada, Politics and Society
This year has seen significant developments in Canada’s hate speech legislation, say attorneys Ryder Gilliland and Adam Lazier.
(Wikipedia)
Bill Whatcott is a conservative Christian campaigner who was fined $17,500 dollars in 2005 for distributing hate materials. His case rumbled through the courts until February, when the Supreme Court ruled against him.
In June, however, Parliament voted to repeal a hate speech provision in the federal human rights legislation. This is a significant legislative change, but whether provincial legislatures and courts will follow suit is very much an open question.
The regulation of hate speech in Canada
Hate speech in Canada is regulated in two ways. Section 319 of the Criminal Code makes it an offence to wilfully promote or publicly incite hatred. A violation of Section 319 carries serious consequences, including imprisonment for up to two years. Someone charged criminally under Section 319 has a number of defences available, including “truth”, and that the statements were in the public interest and the accused reasonably believed them to be true.
Hate speech is also prohibited by human rights legislation at both the federal and provincial levels. Human rights legislation carries less serious consequences than the criminal law provisions, but a respondent to a human rights claim has far fewer defences available. Human rights complaints are decided by administrative tribunals rather than courts.
Both types of hate speech legislation have been challenged in court as violations of Canada’s constitutional protection for freedom of expression. These challenges have not met with much success. Although the Supreme Court struck down an antiquated “false news” law used to prosecute holocaust denier Ernst Zundel (R. v. Zundel, [1992] 2 S.C.R. 731), it has upheld the constitutionality of the criminal offence of wilfully promoting hatred (R. v. Keegstra, [1990] 3 S.C.R. 697).
In Whatcott, the Supreme Court largely upheld a hate-speech prohibition in Saskatchewan’s human rights legislation, despite that the provision does not even allow a defence of truth (2013 SCC 11).
The repeal of section 13 of the Canadian Human Rights Act
Just four months after the Whatcott decision parliament voted to repeal section 13 of the Canadian Human Rights Act (the “CHRA”), the federal equivalent to the Saskatchewan law at issue in Whatcott. The repeal comes into effect after one year.
Section 13, which was upheld by the Supreme Court of Canada in 1990, prohibits anyone from repeatedly communicating hate speech over the telephone or internet. The Tribunal can punish contraventions by ordering that the speaker financially compensate the victim. (A provision allowing the Tribunal to also order a $10,000 “penalty” as well was struck down by a 2012 Federal Court decision).
Human Rights Laws: A blunt instrument for regulating speech
Canada’s criminal hate speech laws arguably have a minimal impact on freedom of expression rights, as there is a high burden of proof and there are numerous defences available, including the defence of “truth”. It seems unlikely that mainstream media will be prosecuted, much less prosecuted successfully, under Section 319 of the Criminal Code.
Human rights hate speech laws are different. There are far fewer protections for respondents in human rights cases and the mainstream media has recently had to defend against human rights complaints. Thus, they appear to be a potentially dangerous incursion into free speech territory.
Hate speech laws in human rights legislation rest on a tenuous and sometimes artificial distinction between hate speech and other speech. In the context of libel law, for instance, a speaker has a constitutional right to defences for truth, fair comment, and responsible communication in the public interest. Once statements are classified as “hate speech” in the context of a human rights complaint, however, they lose that protection – a human rights tribunal may order compensation even if the statement is true, and even if it was made in good faith on a matter of public interest.
The line between hate speech and the merely offensive is slippery at best. Whatcott and earlier Supreme Court decisions define hate speech as statements that tend to expose people to “unusually strong and deep-felt emotions of detestation and vilification” on the basis of a prohibited ground of discrimination, which includes things like race, religion, and sexual orientation. However, human rights legislation doesn’t require that anyone prove the statements at issue actually caused hatred. This leaves tribunals and courts guessing about whether the statements at issue could have that effect, or whether they are just “offensive comments or expressions of dislike”.
This combination of strict laws with a slippery definition of hate speech puts everyone’s expression at risk, not just that of extremists. In a recent British Columbia case, the Human Rights Tribunal found that a stand-up comic had engaged in “discriminatory” speech by insulting audience members based on their sexual orientation. The decision was recently upheld by on judicial review (Ismail v. British Columbia (Human Rights Tribunal), 2013 BCSC 1079).
Media organisations have successfully defended against hate speech complaints brought before human rights tribunals, but have incurred significant legal expenses along the way. The imprecise definition of hate speech makes it difficult for the media to assess its risk before publication, and therefore risks chilling debate.
More broadly, freedom of expression relies on courts and legislatures accepting the importance of the “marketplace of ideas”; the notion that society is best served when ideas, even hateful ideas, are disproven through public debate. The “marketplace of ideas” concept formed part of the reasoning behind the Supreme Court’s decision to recognize the responsible communication defence in libel law in 2009 (Grant v. Torstar Corp, 2009 SCC 61). “In the course of debate,” the Court wrote then, “misconceptions and errors are exposed. What withstands testing emerges as truth”.
Hate speech laws in the human rights context, and court decisions that uphold them, are inconsistent with concept of a marketplace of ideas. They threaten free speech. It is encouraging to see parliament repealing section 13 of the CHRA. The question now is who will follow.
Ryder Gilliland is a Toronto-based attorney at Blake, Cassels & Graydon LLP and an executive member of Ad IDEM, the Canadian Media Lawyers Association.
Adam Lazier is an attorney with Blake, Cassels & Graydon LLP.
01 Feb 12 | Middle East and North Africa
Canadian Naser Al Raas was arrested and detained today after he attended a court due to hear his appeal against his five-year prison sentence. The 29 year-old IT-specialist had been in hiding since being sentenced on 25 October 2011, he feared returning to prison after he was tortured while in pre-trial detention.
Al Raas was arrested and tortured for participating in protests in February and March 2011, when thosands of Bahrani’s took to the streets. He was charged with spreading false news and inciting hatred against the regime.
Despite the Bahrain authorities frequently detaining people who attend court appointments, Al Raas’s fiancé Zainab told Index that her fiance felt safe to attend court for the first time after Canadian officials had condemned his sentence. On 26 January, the Canadian government called for Al Raas’s case to be “resolved expeditiously, particularly in view of Mr. AlRaas’ grave health concerns.” AlRaas has a serious heart condition, and his physician claim’s imprisoning his patient’s would place his life “in jeopardy”. AlRaas needs regular medication, and is susceptible to haemorrhages when he is injured. After his release on bail after 31 days in prison, AlRaas claimed prison officials repeatedly beat him on the chest which is scarred from two open-heart procedures.
The judge has allowed a request to allow Al Raas to see a cardiologist. Al Raas is now being held at Jaw prison, where a number of imprisoned activists are on hunger strike. Fourteen activist are on a one-week hunger strike protesting the Bahrani states vicious crackdown on activists and its continued detention of prisoners of conscience. Al Raas told his fiancee that if he was imprisoned he would join the prisoner’s action, many members of the Bahraini opposition have also joined the hunger strike in solidarity.
Al Raas’s appeal hearing has been postponed until 16 February. His lawyer told Index that he was “optimistic” about the appeal hearing, and he also he said that he pressed the judge for an earlier court date.
14 Oct 11 | Uncategorized
This story is cross-posted from the Edmonton Journal.
CANADA – Freedom of speech is such a slippery concept.
It’s easy for us to support the free speech rights of people whose views we happen to agree with. It’s much harder to offer that same support to people whose views and words we find loathsome, hateful, and hurtful.
The proof of our commitment to freedom of speech is how passionately we defend the rights of people to say things we believe to be abominable, vicious and utterly wrong.
You couldn’t ask for a better test of our tolerance than Bill Whatcott, who appeared Wednesday before the Supreme Court of Canada to defend his right to speak and to publish.
Whatcott is one of Canada’s best-known cranks, an over-the-top anti-abortion, anti-Muslim, and anti-gay activist. (Whatcott calls himself a Christian advocate. I won’t, because it would be an insult to most of the Christians I know.) Whatcott has also described himself as a recovered homosexual who was “cured” after his Christian conversion.
Edmontonians may remember him best from his 2007 campaign for the mayor’s job. Depending where you live in this city, you may have found one of his disturbing, graphic and inflammatory pamphlets shoved in your mailbox.
Because I live in the federal riding of Edmonton-Centre, and because Whatcott long had a particular grudge against my former Liberal MP, Anne McLellan, I’ve found many Whatcott screeds on my doorstep over the years. They are invariably crude, gross, and offensive, usually cheap black and white photocopies with print so tiny, no one over 40 can read them without a magnifying glass.
I have a simple strategy for dealing with Whatcott’s ravings. I crumple up his hand-outs and I throw them in the trash, under the banana peels and plum pits, where they belong.
Not everyone favours such a technique. In 2001 and 2002, Whatcott handed out some of his grotesque flyers in Regina and Saskatoon. They called for Canada to outlaw homosexual acts, compared pride parades to the sins of Sodom and Gomorrah, and suggested that gay men were pedophiles and child molesters.
“Our children will pay the price in disease, death, abuse and ultimately eternal judgment if we do not say no to the sodomite desire to socialize your children into accepting something that is clearly wrong,” one pamphlet read.
Four people who received the pamphlet filed complaints with the Saskatchewan Human Rights Commission, alleging the pamphlets “promoted hatred against individuals because of their sexual orientation” and therefore violated the Saskatchewan Human Rights Code. The commission originally found in favour of the complainants and fined Whatcott $17,000. The ruling was later overturned by the Saskatchewan Court of Appeal.
The court called Whatcott’s language crude, harsh and offensive, but found that it did not rise (or sink) to the level of hate speech. Whatcott’s rights to freedom of religion and freedom of expression, said the court, had to be weighed in the balance.
The commission appealed that ruling to the Supreme Court.
Frankly, I’d far prefer that everyone had just allowed Whatcott’s tinpot crusade to sink into oblivion. Instead, all this legal, political and media attention has allowed Whatcott to posture for the better part of a decade as a free speech martyr.
Were Whatcott’s words puerile and hurtful? Absolutely. Were they intended to incite hatred against gays and lesbians? Actually, with all deference to the Saskatchewan Court of Appeal, I think they clearly were.
But should that make the words themselves illegal, and make Whatcott subject to state discipline and a punishingly large fine?
Whatcott is a zealot. But he didn’t advocate violence. He didn’t propose a pogrom. On this particular occasion, he wasn’t harassing anyone. He simply questioned, albeit in the nastiest of terms, whether and how schools should teach children about homosexuality and gay rights. While I deplore his intemperate choice of diction, I think he was well within his legal rights to address that important public policy question. Any state attempt to censor his speech only feeds the paranoia of those who believe in some kind of “gay conspiracy” to seduce our children. It’s better to expose this kind of noxious, nonsensical thinking to the bright light of day than to attempt to suppress it and drive it to fester underground.
Yet I’m glad to see the Supreme Court tackle this case. There’s far too much legal murkiness around what constitutes true criminal hate speech, as defined by the Criminal Code, and what constitutes a lesser violation of a provincial human rights code.
Is it really the job of provincial commissions to protect us all from having our feelings hurt? Or should they better stick to practical issues like defending tenants and employees from discrimination?
The fight for equal legal rights for gay, lesbian, transgendered and bisexual Canadians has been long and hard-fought. Despite those many legal victories, homophobia is still a real and damaging social prejudice, and we need to continue to educate and inoculate people against it. But we can’t do that by censorship and suppression. We do it, instead, with informed debate and civil discourse, by responding to ignorance and fear with understanding and tolerance. We can’t win civil liberties for one marginalized group by taking them from another — or by replacing an old orthodoxy with a new one.
© Copyright (c) The Edmonton Journal
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