Offline by decree: Iran’s war on the internet

In wartime Iran, connecting to the internet is now a perilous act, viewed as a crime against the state. Since hostilities erupted between Iran, Israel, and the United States on 28 February 2026, authorities have unleashed one of the most comprehensive internet shutdowns in history, cutting off millions from the rest of the world.

Iranian authorities are now warning citizens that sharing photos of bombed locations or even trying to access the global internet could get you prosecuted for “collaborating with the enemy”. Against this backdrop, using a search engine or VPN is no longer innocent – it can be seen as a threat.

Following massive airstrikes that killed the Supreme Leader and senior commanders, the state responded not only with anti-aircraft fire, but also activated a “kill switch” – severing international internet infrastructure. According to NetBlocks, connectivity dropped to just 1% of normal levels. For more than 280 hours, 90 million people have endured enforced silence, with over 40% of 2026 so far (up to 10 March) spent under internet shutdown. This calculated effort intends to isolate the population from information, not just a simple malfunction.

A text message from an Iranian mobile operator calling on users to report people sharing images or information

In a climate of heightened state paranoia, the SMS has become a tool of direct psychological warfare. Most frequently, messages from mobile operators to Iranian users characterise the sharing of images from bombing sites or “anti-government” sentiment as a “security violation”, effectively deputising mobile phones as tracking devices for dissent.

More alarming are the rare reports of messages carrying direct judicial weight. These warn that “repeated connection to the international internet” will result in the immediate suspension of the phone line and referral to the judiciary. By criminalising attempts to bypass a firewall, authorities equate digital access with espionage. Notably, while these systems are used to threaten citizens, they have remained silent when issuing air-raid or public safety warnings.

The architecture of the “class-based internet”

The blackout is not total. Instead, authorities have enforced a “whitelisting” system that grants global web access only to pre-approved, loyal users.

This system works because Iran has built its own internal internet, separating local traffic from the rest of the world. When the government turns on the whitelist, most people can only use local sites, while a small, approved group can still access the global internet. Instead of just blocking certain websites, the government now blocks most people entirely, letting only trusted insiders through.

On 10 March, government spokesperson Fatemeh Mohajerani – representing an administration that, ironically, had campaigned on a pledge to reduce filtering – confirmed this graded reality. She stated that the government is working to provide limited access specifically for those who can “convey the voice of the system to the world”. This allows the regime to dominate the narrative reaching the outside world, drowning out civilian experiences with state propaganda.

The digital underground: Configs and cat-and-mouse

Despite threats, the Iranian people have not surrendered their right to speak. An underground network of “configs” now sustains resistance.

Software like V2Ray, Xray, or Trojan is essentially an engine that does nothing on its own. To function, they require a specially formatted text file that specifies which server, protocol, and path to use. What users receive as links or files in private Telegram channels are actually encoded versions of these settings. Because the state’s deep packet inspection technology is constantly hunting for these connections, these files often have a very short lifespan.

The challenge of keeping connections alive has created a high-risk black market. Short-lived configs are bought at high prices, making communication expensive and risky.

For many users, especially those with limited technical knowledge, the situation creates new vulnerabilities. People searching for a way to contact relatives abroad often rely on unknown sellers or unverified software, exposing them to scams, malware, and surveillance risks.

Some turn to Starlink, but owning such hardware adds further dangers of arrest and confiscation.

Doxing as statecraft: The “spy hunters”

The crackdown isn’t just online. Some Telegram channels linked to security forces now encourage people to report on each other, calling it an effort to find spies.

These channels employ open-source intelligence tactics to identify citizens. When a video of an airstrike is posted, these groups inspect metadata and visual details to pinpoint the photographer’s location. Their personal information is then exposed, and they are labelled as enemy collaborators. This vigilante-style digital hunting is supported by the highest levels of the judiciary. Chief Justice Gholam-Hossein Mohseni-Ejei has publicly warned of “no leniency”, while state television has discussed punishments ranging from property confiscation to the death penalty for media actions that “damage national security”.

The humanitarian cost of silence

The human rights implications are catastrophic. Human Rights Watch has warned that the shutdown violates international law. When the IDF issues evacuation warnings on social media, those warnings fall into a digital vacuum. Because the general population cannot access the global web, they cannot see the maps or the warnings intended to save their lives.

Centuries ago, the Persian Empire pioneered the Chapar-khaneh, a sophisticated postal system that revolutionised communication. Today, the heirs of that civilisation are being forced into a digital dark age. This is not the first time a nation has been stripped of its right to the global digital commons, nor will it be the last. But this crisis must serve as a provocation for the next generation of internet giants.

As satellite-to-mobile technology advances, internet providers face the question of whether global access should be guaranteed in places where governments restrict connectivity. Preventing the criminalisation of communication may require new technical solutions. Securing open access remains a challenge for the global community.

Iran: “Whoever we blame – this moment is overwhelming”

“We are worried about what is going to happen. Every morning, we wake up to the sound of explosions. Many places have been destroyed, and I know that some civilians have been killed as well. However, the Islamic Republic does not give us any accurate information, and the domestic news agencies are only propaganda centres for the regime. Because of this, we truly don’t know what is really happening or what awaits us.”

These are the words of an Iranian dissident who has managed to contact us from inside the country after Israel and the USA started bombing Iran. They are too concerned for their safety to be named.

Iran’s internet has been blocked for days now. There are reports of people protesting from their homes being shot at. The UN has warned that imprisoned Iranian protesters face “expedited” executions. There are fears about conditions deteriorating in Evin prison where a lot of political opponents of the regime are being held. Nobel Peace Prize winner Narges Mohammadi is currently in a jail in Zanjan, a city northwest of Tehran, and her situation is unknown.

It is impossible to know exactly what is happening. In war the truth only comes out later – if at all – and disinformation is king. What is worrying is that there is such uncertainty about the outcome, and concern now that the USA and Israel don’t much care about the freedom of the people of Iran.

Tens of thousands who bravely came out on the streets earlier this year to protest the regime were brutally murdered, many more arrested. Most shockingly, verified accounts have documented how the Revolutionary Guard swarmed hospitals, prevented medical care, took people off ventilators. Some doctors have even reported that wounded protesters who were being treated were later found with bullet holes in their heads.

On Monday Index screened Jafar Panahi’s new film It was Just an Accident in advance of it coming out on Mubi this Friday, 6 March. It is a must-see if you want to understand the varying points of view of ordinary people in Iran. One of the people who talked on our panel discussion after the screening, Tara Aghdashloo, an Iranian writer, director and poet, wrote on Instagram of the current dilemma of those watching what is happening from afar: “Whoever we blame – this moment is overwhelming. There is pain, hoping for something good out of it, more pain, terror, remembering the mass murders by the regime yet fearing what these missiles and bombs could do to family and friends and innocent people, to our environment, infrastructure, our historic sites. Elation, even daring to hope that this fascist dictatorship might be gone once and for all. But remembering that the safety of my people is now in the hands of the same leaders, and that we’re expected to bet that our liberation is in a series of missiles that is shaking the city.”

To be an Iranian dissident must be profoundly lonely and confusing. The autocratic ayatollah has been killed. But there is no succession plan for democracy. At Index we have always stood up for the people who want Iran to be finally free, for the women and young people, for the rappers, poets, artists and writers and all those who have put have themselves again and again in the firing line for the right to express their full selves without fear of torture and death.

In Iran, funerals are the new battleground

Just when you think Iranian authorities couldn’t get crueller, you hear this: they’re extorting families out of huge sums of money in exchange for the bodies of murdered loved ones. Under the so-called “bullet price” – a practice dating back to the 1980s – the authorities have not only exacted money from grieving relatives they have ordered them to hold subdued funerals and even denounce the dead. The family of Ali Taherkhani, a 31-year-old first shot and then clubbed by security forces, was made to pay the equivalent of $21,000 for his body. At his burial, condolence banners were prohibited and only four family members were allowed to attend against an entourage of armed security forces. Arina Moradi, who works for rights group Hengaw, said her family had to pay to retrieve her cousin’s body. Authorities also demanded Siavash Shirzad was buried in a remote ancestral village and that the burial took place in silence. In another case, the family of brothers Hamid and Vahid Arzanlou, two well-known entrepreneurs in Iran’s furniture industry, was made to pay more than one billion tomans (about $6,670).

This isn’t just cruelty for cruelty’s sake. The authorities want to make sure that the funerals don’t turn into protests, as has already happened at the funerals of well-known figures who’ve been killed, such as 21-year-old basketball player Ahmad Khosravani. Hundreds shouted protest slogans at the Behesht Zahra Cemetery in central Tehran when Khosravani was laid to rest.

But calls against the Ayatollah aren’t the only way people are voicing dissent. Once the extortion was paid for the bodies of the Arzanlou brothers, a third brother asked mourners to applaud if they believed the pair had been right in protesting. The mourners did just that. This more celebratory response has occurred elsewhere. Instead of sombre music and Islamic verse, as is typical at most Iranian funerals today, some are choosing upbeat music and dancing. The relatives and close friends of Mohammad-Hossein Jamshidi and Ali Faraji threw confetti and clapped. Women danced as participants re-enacted tabaq-keshi, a traditional ceremony performed at weddings, at the burial of 18-year-old student Sourena Golgoon.

It’s hard to hold onto hope right now given the bloodbath that has just occurred. But if the slaughter of protesters is done to serve two purposes – silence the actual protesters and scare off would-be ones – these defiant funerals suggest Iranian authorities have not entirely succeeded in the latter.

Another protester, Mojtaba Shahpari, who was taken to hospital with a leg wound, to later be found shot in the head, had requested to be wrapped in a lion and sun flag if he was killed. That’s the former state flag of Iran from 1907 to 1979, which is banned in the country today. Shahpari was buried in it.

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