Reports of Urdu’s death are greatly exaggerated

This article first appeared in Volume 54, Issue 3 of our print edition of Index on Censorship, titled Truth, trust and tricksters: Free expression in the age of AI, published on 30 September 2025. Read more about the issue here.

The rickshaw raced through the byways of old Delhi. My heart leaped with each serpentine turn, fearful of a crash in the cramped lanes. But I survived the kashmakash1, the rickshaw eventually depositing me at the endpoint of my pilgrimage: the erstwhile home of poet Mirza Ghalib, one of the greatest Urdu writers of the 19th century.

My ride, laced with a sense of impending doom, had uncanny parallels with the position of the Urdu language in India: dodging falls, scarred by detractors, warding off attempts to side-line it. Amidst the vast linguistic diversity of the subcontinent.

Urdu has survived each time, cared for not only by its native speakers, but also by a multitude who have embraced it as their own. It sometimes feels like there is someone, somewhere, watching Urdu and urging it to thrive. It could be the ghost of Ghalib, who wrote in a famous, self-referential poem:

huī muddat ki ‘ġhālib’ mar gayā par yaad aatā hai

vo har ik baat par kahnā ki yuuñ hotā to kyā hotā

(Though ages he’s been dead Ghalib is still thought of today. At every trice, to ask what would be, if it were this way.)

But let us set poetic musings aside for the moment, and redirect our attention towards a recent judgment by India’s supreme court, which stated: “Language is not religion. Language does not even represent religion. Language belongs to a community, to a region, to people; and not to a religion. Language is culture. Language is the yardstick to measure the civilisational march of a community and its people. So in the case of Urdu, which is the finest specimen of Ganga-Jamuni tahzib2, or the Hindustani tahzib, which is the composite cultural ethos of the plains of northern and central India.”

This judgement – in a case concerning Urdu-language usage on the signage of a new municipal building in Akola – advocated respect for the linguistic diversity of the country, and affirmed the Indian origins of the Urdu language.

Judgements in this vein are significant, aligning as they do with India’s constitutional ethos of pluralism. Even in India’s present socio-political climate where democratic values are receding and communal polarisation is commonplace, Urdu is gaining popularity. The 100-rupee note bears the legend “One Hundred Rupees” – in English, Urdu and fifteen other vernacular languages. The irony is that the Hindi and Urdu both read the same: ek saou rupaya.

The same but different

Post-partition, the newly formed nations of India and Pakistan chose Hindi and Urdu respectively as their official languages. While the lingua franca in the two countries has been promoted carefully, the authorities have consistently reminded the polity that Hindi and Urdu are distinctly different from each other, and thus incomprehensible to the non-native speaker. But Urdu speakers in Pakistan watch Hindi movies, and Hindi speakers in India savour ghazals3 often written in Urdu. The supposed incomprehensibility does not pose a challenge, it seems. With this clear evidence of mutual intelligibility, might one suppose that Hindi and Urdu are “sisters”? Given the linguistic and literary history of both, such claims seem reasonable.

Azra Naqvi, the well-known Urdu poet and translator told Index: “No language is created in a single moment or at a specific place. It evolves gradually, shaped by history, culture, and human interaction, thus the evolution of the Urdu language has been a fascinating process, with both the Deccan [the plain in the south of India] and north India playing important roles.” Naqvi continued: “Urdu is a shining example of India’s Ganga-Jamuni culture [i.e., relating to the names of the River Ganga and Yamuna], the syncretic tradition that emerged from centuries of cultural exchange between Hindus and Muslims.”

A similar point was made by Professor Mehr Afsan Farooqi, who teaches Urdu and South Asian Literature at the University of Virginia. She told Index: “The Urdu language was born in India. It is an Indian language, known as Hindi until the time the language was split in the name of script in the early 20th century. Urdu-Hindi have their base in khari boli, the dialect spoken in the area around Delhi in the western part of Uttar Pradesh. This dialect’s grammar is the same, the vocabulary is mutually intelligible in the common register or bolchal4, as we say. The high register of Urdu-Hindi was used for poetry mostly of the ghazal. On the other hand, braj bhasha5 was the language of poetry for the so-called Hindi register. The literary history of Urdu-Hindi is intertwined and can only be separated artificially.”

It is hardly a surprise that detractors of Urdu in the past – read, amongst others, the British colonisers – tried to corner Urdu by adding notions of religiosity to the language.

“We fought our freedom movement in Urdu, how can it be forgotten?” said the historian Rana Safvi. “It is after 1857 [that] the language was addressed as ‘Urdu’. However it can be traced way back to the 13th century to the times of Amir Khusraw, the legendary poet and Sufi.”

The language of the exalted

Another change evolved in the late 18th century, during the reign of Mohammed Shah, she continued. “When the poets of the court started writing in Hindi instead of Persian, it [Urdu] was addressed as Jaban -e-Urdu-e Maula (the language of the exalted).”

“Exalted” is an apposite description for Urdu. Only this seems sufficient to explain its survival despite allegations of being a “foreign language”, or it being referred to pejoratively as “the language of Muslims”.

The reality today, though, is not all bad, and the bright lamp of Urdu is well lit. New publications based on works of Mirza Ghalib and his contemporaries stand as testament to this, as does the nurturing of Urdu literature and language via organisations like the Rekhta Foundation established in 2013, which is a non-profit social impact organisation engaged with promoting the language and literature of the Indian subcontinent.

However, Urdu’s principal saviour is Bollywood. The tryst between Urdu and India’s expansive film industry, orchestrated via the latter’s vast repository of film music, is incomparable. Bollywood’s links with Urdu are as old as the industry itself, and just as durable. Today, millennials and Gen Z are also smitten by Urdu.

“The Urdu register has gained popularity among the millennials and Gen Z in India because the younger people usually go against ‘rightist’ trend. It is therefore ‘cool’ to be spouting Urdu poetry and talking with the right accent,” a sceptical Farooqi told Index. “This trend is not very deep as far social media trends go. It can be replaced with something ‘new’ tomorrow.” Farooqi’s book Ghalib: A Wilderness at My Doorstep: A Critical Biography has, however, been well received by the contemporary readers reflecting the enduring bond with Urdu in India.

Farooqi’s criticism though is pertinent. The “cool” trend she described was evident in a recent social media fad in India where thousands of users shared the text of Pakistani author Faiz Ahmed Faiz’s poem Hum Dekhenge (We Shall See). Written in 1979 as an indictment of the authoritarian rule of General Zia-ul-Haq in Pakistan, it has been co-opted over the years as an anthem of resistance across both countries. There is, though, another aspect of this somewhat spontaneous Urdu love. Emerging from a more informed interest in Urdu, this is reflected in unprecedented popularity of Jashn-e-Rekhta, the world’s largest Urdu language literary festival, held annually in New Delhi. Naqvi is closely involved with rekhta.org a more recent initiative of the foundation which has become a lifeline for students, scholars and lovers of Urdu worldwide. Originally established as a website for presenting Urdu poetry in Urdu, Hindi and Roman scripts, Rekhta has grown into the world’s largest digital repository of Urdu literature. The website features over 100,000 works by more than 4,000 poets, a vast ebook library, and a trilingual online dictionary.

Still, do initiatives like this mean Urdu will continue to live, despite facing intermittent attacks? The simple answer is “yes”. Nomaan Shauq, another eminent Urdu poet told Index: “Urdu has thrived due to its rich literary tradition, adaptability, and the deep emotional connection it fosters with its speakers. Its strength lies in its ability to express complex emotions and ideas, especially through poetry, which has sustained it through challenges.”

Safvi, the historian, echoed this sentiment: “Urdu can never die, it’s the language of love and poetry.” Farooqi, for her part, is more pragmatic: “Urdu’s strength lies in its hybridity. Languages survive when they are adaptable.” Nothing serves this adaptability better than Bollywood, which has silently walked the path of what Naqvi calls “the Urdu tradition”. She said: “In this way, Urdu has quietly seeped into the cultural fabric of India – a language of romance, resistance and refinement.”

If that that were not enough, the collective usage of Urdu, in the form of quotes from poetry, literature and ghazals by millions via social media posts, have unlocked a treasure trove. Urdu, truly, is a people’s language and something that belongs to the people cannot be curbed.

Footnotes

  1. Kashmakash is a word in Urdu which captures the feeling of being caught in a difficult situation with no easy answers, either a dilemma or perplexity
  2. Politeness, etiquette manners that define a cultured and sophisticated way of life
  3. Also spelt as gazal consisting of couplets, the second part of which are in rhyme
  4. Bolchal, here, can be best translated as common parlance
  5. A western dialect of Hindi spoken in western Uttar Pradesh

The problem with “Orwellian”

George Orwell died on this day in 1950. This article, from Index on Censorship magazine (volume 42,no 3), looks at one legacy he may not have liked.
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The revelation that US intelligence services have allegedly been monitoring everyone in the entire world all the time was good news for the estate of George Orwell, who guard the long-dead author’s copyright jealously.

Sales of his novel Nineteen Eighty-Four rocketed in the United States in June as Americans sought to find out more about the references to phrases such as “Big Brother” and “Orwellian” that littered discussions of the National Security Agency’s PRISM programme.

The Wall Street Journal even went so far as to describe this profoundly bleak novel as “one of the hottest beach reads this summer”. And web editors, hankering after a top ten Google ranking for their articles, quickly commissioned articles on the Orwellian theme.

Meanwhile, news website Business Insider published a plot synopsis that managed to run through the events of the book without describing what the book was about at all. The nadir of this frenzy was reached by an Associated Press correspondent, who wrote of his “Orwellian” experience of being stuck airside at the same Moscow airport as whistleblower Edward Snowden for a few hours (for added awfulness, an editor’s note on the piece suggested that this deliberate exercise in boredom was “surreal”).

Nineteen Eighty-Four (not 1984) has become the one-stop reference for anyone wishing to make a point. CCTV? Orwellian. Smoking ban? Big Brother-style laws. At the height of the British Labour Party’s perceived authoritarianism while in government, web libertarians squealed that “Nineteen Eighty-Four was a warning, not a manual”.

It was neither. It’s a combination of two things: a satire on Stalinism, and an expression of Orwell’s feeling that world war was now set to be the normal state of affairs forever more.

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A brief plot summary, just in case you haven’t taken the WSJ’s advice on this summer’s hot read: Nineteen Eighty-Four tells the story of an England ruled by the Party, which professes to follow Ingsoc (English Socialism). Winston Smith, a minor party member, thinks he can question the totalitarian party. He can’t, and is destroyed.

While Orwell was certainly not a pacifist, descriptions of the crushing terror of war, and the fear of war, run through much of his work. In 1944, writing about German V2 rockets in the Tribune, he notes: “[W]hat depresses me about these things is the way they set people off talking about the next war … But if you ask who will be fighting whom when this universally expected war breaks out, you get no clear answer. It is just war in the abstract.”

It’s hard for us to imagine now, but Orwell was writing in a world in which the Universal Declaration of Human Rights was not yet formulated, and where the Soviet Union seemed unstoppable. Orwell had long been sceptical of Soviet socialism, and for his publisher Frederic Warburg Nineteen Eighty-Four represented “a final breach between Orwell and Socialism, not the socialism of equality and human brotherhood which clearly Orwell no longer expects from socialist parties, but the socialism of Marxism and the managerial revolution”. Warburg speculated that the book would be worth “a cool million votes to the Conservative party”.

This is the context in which Nineteen Eighty-Four was written, and the context that should be remembered by anyone who reads it.

But too often it is imagined there is a “lesson” in Nineteen Eighty-Four as, drearily, it seems there must be a lesson in all books. There is not. The brutality of Stalinism was hardly a surprise to anyone by 1949. The surveillance, the spying, the censorship and manipulation of history were nothing new. Orwell was not so much warning that these things could happen as convinced that they would happen more. He offers no way out, no redemption for his characters. If this book were to have a lesson, Winston would prevail in his fight against the Party; or Winston would die in his struggle but inspire others. We would at least get far more detail on the rise of Ingsoc (the supposed secret book Winston is given, The Theory and Practice of Oligarchical Collectivism, goes some way in explaining how the Party rules, but doesn’t really explain why it rules). As it is, we get an appendix on the development of “Newspeak”, the Party’s successful project to destroy language and, by extension, thought. This addition is designed only to assure us that the Ingsoc system still thrives long after Winston has knocked back his last joyless Victory gin.

There is no system in the world today, with the possible exception of North Korea (which has barely changed since it was founded just after Nineteen Eighty-Four was published), that can genuinely be said to be “Orwellian”. That is not to say that authoritarian states do not exist, or that electronic surveillance is not a problem. But to shout “Big Brother” at each moment the state intrudes on private life, or attempts to stifle free speech, is to rob the words, ideas and images created by Orwell of their true meaning – the very thing Orwell’s Ingsoc party sets out to do.

This article was posted on 21 January 2014 at indexoncensorship.org

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