Far-right publishing in Greece: Stories that ‘teach’ people a lesson

Taking their cue from the neo-nazi Golden Dawn, Greece’s far-right newspapers have recently been targeting alternative opinions. While hardly breaking news, the language and symbolism of the campaign is of vital importance because it represents just the tip of the iceberg, Christos Syllas writes

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Greece’s far right newspapers have been targeting groups they see as “anti-Greek”

The rise of the Golden Dawn and its campaign against groups it perceives to be anti-Greek — leftists, immigrants, gays and lesbians — has encouraged nationalist and far-right sympathisers to spread their ideologies through existing and new media outlets both online and off.

On 6 June, for instance, the far-right publication Stohos, or Target, mocked Tasos Theodoropoulos for being “a self-proclaimed gay” who criticised a bishop’s persistent attempts to abolish a gay pride festival. Theodoropoulos had called the bishop a “flowery priest’s wife”. The turn of phrase apparently hit a conservative nerve.

Theodoropoulos, who was beaten shortly after the paper blasted him, wrote about his terrifying experience and suggested an explanation for the attack.

“They maybe didn’t know me. Even if they didn’t, newspapers like ‘Stohos’ have succeeded in helping them recognise me, as a target”.

Stohos is a far-right newspaper with a history of offensive and abusive language. It has always held anti-communist views, defended the Greek Orthodox church and launched campaigns against ‘anti-Greek’ sentiments. Its publisher, Savvas Hatziparaskeyas, was sentenced to 10 months in prison for repeatedly libelling the Migrants’ Forum  in Crete (MFC).

In that case, Stohos had accused two MFC members of “unpatriotic plotting intended to cause chaos and unrest” and appealed to Greek residents of Crete to break “this abcess”. MFC won its case against Hatziparaskeyas in September 2012.

In a telephone interview on 26 June, Dimitris Psarras, known for his prominent investigative journalism on Golden Dawn and on the far-right spectrum, shared some of his thoughts about the violence encouraged by far-right publishers:

“Stohos has been following for years the method of targeting people and journalists. I remember that back in the nineties, while reporting as a member of ‘Ios’ (an investigative journalistic team), we were denounced as ‘traitors’, ‘agents’ and ‘people who should leave Greece immediately’. At the time we were reporting on the protection of minorities and on human rights issues. Even though we largely documented our stories on decisions  from Greek or European courts, they wouldn’t stop. I recollect several open calls for violent deeds from nationalists and far-rightists. However, attacks and conflicts were disproportionate to the calls.”

The “anti-Greek” foreigner

Far-right publications have rejected voices considered to undermine “the purity of the Greek race and the glory of the nation.” And such publications also find “any distortion of religious beliefs” or support for the rights of immigrants to be unacceptable.

Indymedia Athens, for example, is a local collective of grassroots activists that heavily criticises Golden Dawn’s practises and nationalist ideas. For publishing calls for pro-immigrant rallies, and condemning racist attacks against immigrants, far-right voices have labelled the group as a “cesspit” and its members “snitches” and “employees of billionaire George Soros.”

The notion of being supported by ‘foreign’ funding is part of building a case that groups like Indymedia are part of an external threat. According to far-right rhetoric, anarchists and antifascists with the support of left-wing Syriza are anti-Greeks who must be fought. A far-right blog called Maiandrioi has previously made such a call to arms:

“We invite all Greeks in blood and soul, to be awake and military ready… in days to come, anti-Greeks will reveal their real face and they will jointly fight against Greeks.”

Golden Dawn recently published a newspaper called Embros. Next to the main story calling  for Golden Dawn victories in upcoming mayoral elections there was a photograph with children holding placards during a pro-immigrant rally. The caption underneath read: “foreign criminals thresh in Athens”. Insulting language for immigrants and children does not come as such a great surprise.

Artist Panayiotis Hatzistefanou wrote a piece entitled “Why I am anti-Greek” on 15 May, where he said that he can no longer stand to hear homophobic, racist, and far-right remarks in a country falling apart. Without hesitation Stohos attacked him for the piece, calling for his citizenship to be revoked.

It is worth noting that newspaper Stohos targeted Paris Karvounopoulos, an experienced military journalist. After publishing a piece critical of Frangos Frangoulis, a former chief of the Hellenic Army general staff and former minister for national defense, Karvounopoulos found himself reprimanded by “Stohos”. The title of that story was a call to Frangoulis: “General, if you must f*#k people up, start from him”.

Κarvounopoulos, however, claimed on 26 June that the former general had previously spoken against his self-proclaimed supporters.

“Lawsuit industry”

At the same time, far-right targeting seems to have another dimension. Many argue about the building of a “lawsuit industry” by extreme right-wingers to those opposed to far-right viewpoints. Savvas Michail, general secretary of EEK, the Revolutionary Labor party, was sued by Golden Dawn because he labelled it as a nazi organization that attacks immigrants.

Katerina Thoidou, a journalist for the newspaper Workers’ Solidarity and anti-fascist activist (member of KEERFA, Movement Against Racism and Fascism Threat) was sued by Ioannis Andriopoulos, a lawyer who offers his services to a Golden Dawn MPs. Andriopoulos says that Thoidou insulted him by calling him “a fascist”.

Thoidou had used the label when Andriopoulos’ petition prompted the Greek Council of State to declare the country’s citizenship law (L. 3838/2010) unconstitutional. The law had been criticised for easing the process for citizenship, which moderate critics saw as an effort by political parties to gain the votes of newly-minted Greeks.

Thoidou, said in a telephone interview on 26 June, that recent targeting of journalists and people who oppose the Golden Dawn can be explained: “It is clearly an orchestrated effort to silence journalists reporting on Golden Dawn’s attacks on immigrants and homosexuals. The exposure of such incidents results in uncomfortable pressure not only against the ‘typical’ far-right advocates but against the government”.

Christos Syllas is a freelance journalist. Tweets from @csyllas

Croatia has more work to do on free expression

300_Flag_of_CroatiaAt the stroke of midnight on Sunday, Croatia officially became the 28th member of the European Union. Croatia will be a “serious, responsible and active member”, said President Ivo Josipovic as he ushered in “the first day of our European future”. But threats to freedom of expression, especially in the media, remain.

While the 2012 accession referendum was passed with the lowest ever turnout in a prospective member state, and enthusiasm has since waned further, today is a momentous occasion for a country that was at war only two decades ago – and still grapples with the aftermath. However, with the European Commission regarding freedom of expression a ‘key indicator’ for a country’s readiness to join the union, we should acknowledge that while Croatia has taken some important steps forward, there is work left to do.

The constitution guarantees freedom of expression and the press, and Croatia has recently seen a modest increase in its Freedom House global press freedom ranking, from 78 in 2009, to 64 this year. However, this comes after a significant tumble from 41 in 2007. Croatian journalists, especially those covering war crimes, organised crime and corruption, face continued threats to their well-being and livelihoods.

OSCE media freedom representative, Dunja Mijatovic has repeatedly expressed concerns about public broadcaster HRTs apparent practice of silencing critical journalists. Most recently, in March this year, journalists Denis Latin, Katja Kusec and Ruzica Renic were fired from HRT in suspicious circumstances.

In 2008, Ivo Pukanic, a journalist covering organised crime, intelligence and war profiteering was killed by a car bomb outside his office. It was the third attempt on his life, and also killed his associate Niko Franjic. Six men were convicted for the murders in 2010, but it is still unknown who commissioned the assassination.

This is far from the only attack on Croatian media. In 2007, journalist Zalko Peratovic was detained and his house searched for violating state secrets after publishing a story on war crimes on his blog. Owner of Nova TV, Ivan Caleta, and former media mogul Miroslav Kutle, have both been shot at. Ninoslav Pavic, co-owner of Croatia’s biggest publishing house had his car bombed. Andrej Maksimovic, editor of OTV, has been attacked twice. This handful of examples goes some way in explaining the overall environment of fear and intimidation that has chilled press freedom and consequently freedom of expression in Croatia.

But challenges to freedom of expression exist outside of the realm of the media too. While prison sentences for defamation were abolished in 2006, libel is a criminal offense punishable by fines. Given the country’s recent history, hate speech  is not taken lightly. Hate speech based on race, religion, sexual orientation, nationality, ethnicity, or unspecified ‘other characteristics’ are punishable by up to five years in prison — three years if committed over the internet. Insulting ‘the Republic of Croatia, its flag, coat of arms or national anthem’ can bring up to three years in prison.

Unlike neighbouring countries Croatia has not banned gay pride parades, but freedom of assembly for Croatia’s LGBT population has still be under threat. When a parade was organised for the first time in Split in 2011, the small number of participants were pelted with eggs and rocks by thousands of counter-protesters. The police also failed to investigate an attack on six young men and women in the aftermath of the parade. Authorities have also come under fire for failure to investigate persistent acts of vandalism aimed at the country’s minority Serbian Orthodox community.

Despite this, some aspects of freedom of expression have improved recently. This year’s Zagreb pride parade saw its biggest turnout ever, as 15,000 people attended the peaceful march. In another positive development, this February, parliament adopted a Freedom of Information Act. A new body will be set up, specifically dedicated to freedom of expression, with greater focus on public interest and proactive publishing of information.

Croatian leaders and EU politicians have taken pains to stress that accession does not automatically solve the country’s problems. While they were largely referring to the economic situation, the same principle goes for freedom of expression. You only have to look to EU members like Hungary to see that membership alone does not necessarily improve media freedom. For Croatia, as with other recent additions to the union, membership is merely an initial, tentative step towards increased political and civil rights for its citizens.

 

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