13 Nov 2025 | Americas, Asia and Pacific, Europe and Central Asia, Germany, India, News and features, Singapore, United States, Volume 54.03 Autumn 2025
This article first appeared in Volume 54, Issue 3 of our print edition of Index on Censorship, titled Truth, trust and tricksters: Free expression in the age of AI, published on 30 September 2025. Read more about the issue here.
We are right to be concerned about what artificial intelligence is doing to our present and what it might do to our future. But I am more worried about what it can do to our past.
Access to archives is becoming harder. Manuscripts are fragile, and verifying historical evidence contradicting established narratives is time-consuming. Technology makes history seem fun and exciting by enabling direct communication with historical figures and using visuals that simplify the past, but it weakens our understanding. Artificial intelligence reshapes research by digitising archives and analysing data quickly, but it poses risks. AI often lacks academic rigour, drawing from biased sources and oversimplifying complex events. It presents information with unearned authority, spreading errors rapidly. Unlike historians, AI cannot evaluate credibility, weigh accounts or identify gaps in records.
The result is that our history runs the risk of being skewed towards what’s most accessible online: mainstream narratives drawn from popular databases, digitised books, encyclopaedias, widely-read history books and even crowd-sourced portals. Marginalised voices – Indigenous people, minorities, or communities without digitised records – risk being erased further. When AI amplifies the dominant version of events, alternative interpretations fade into obscurity.
For all its potential, AI cannot replace the human historian. Critical judgment, contextual thought and insights, and the ability to navigate conflicting evidence and picking plausible theories remain essential to safeguarding the integrity of the past.
Consider a recent experiment by Indian historian Anirudh Kanisetti. A trained engineer, Kanisetti has written two engrossing books on the Chaulukyas and the Cholas, two medieval-era dynasties of southern India. Despite his background in engineering, or perhaps because of it, he is sceptical of the use of AI in history. He decided to challenge the Goliath. He sought AI assistance and then wrote about his experience on Instagram. He calls AI “language calculators, and not very good ones”. He asked Copilot, Microsoft’s AI tool which uses OpenAI’s ChatGPT, to write an essay based on his work about a medieval regiment in India.
In its references, the tool produced a paper by an academic Kanisetti knew of, but he had never heard of this paper. He called out Copilot, and it immediately admitted it had made up the fact. Its subsequent apology was insincere. Kanisetti then posed another query, instructing Copilot to cite primary sources. This time, the bot confidently misquoted primary sources and, again, admitted the fabrication when he called it out.
Kanisetti is worried because he knows the sources and can find out when AI is lying; other users may not be that knowledgeable and may rely on AI to do the grunt work of checking citations. As he puts it: “Large language models (LLMs) are trained to seem to be helpful, so you think they have value. But they are actually faffing, lying, fabricating … Engagement generates shareholder value.”
Our information ecosystem is being destroyed, he added.
He has grasped the essence of the problem that is bothering many historians in the global south.
The future historian’s skillset
Aanchal Malhotra, who has written a fascinating history about India’s Partition, told me: “This thought of AI rewriting history is new but a terrifying one, because of the scale it can achieve.”
Doyenne of Indian history Romila Thapar told Index: “What AI can do to history is in a sense already being done by what the Hindutva-vadis [right-wing Hindu nationalists] are doing to Indian history. It is an alternative, distorted history that they are propagating. So far, professional historians are dismissing it by showing that there is no reliable evidence to provide proof of what is being stated in the Hindutva version. One can predict that with the availability of AI there can be massive forging of many documents that will be put forward as proof. So training in professional history will require the ability to recognise forged documents, especially if they are documents that are said to belong to earlier times. The historian of today has to be a multidisciplinary person, but the historian of tomorrow will also have to be trained in the technology of verifying documents and publications.”
She wonders if the techniques of historical excavation will need to change, since the authenticity of three-dimensional artefacts gathered from sites will have to be proved. As soon as an artefact is discovered, will it need to be intensively photographed and marked and documented and a tiny sample be analysed? This will make excavation absurdly expensive if the veracity of every object has to be proved, she adds. And she is concerned about how AI’s apparent ability to bring characters from the past back to life would interfere with what we know to be true.
She also worries about what AI can do to historical questioning and education. If students start asking AI to write their papers and tutorials (as many are), they will become masters at writing prompts, but not at drawing their own analysis. They will know how to use a machine, but truth will elude them. “They won’t know why they have written what they have,” she said.
History abounds with examples of misinterpretations, such as the figurine of a horse in Mohenjo-daro in Pakistan, which suggested that the horse had been domesticated as early as the second millennium BC.
Peter Frankopan, who teaches history at Oxford, told Index: “The skill of a historian is to be able to deal with complex materials… The idea of lots of forgeries is as old as writing systems. Information has always been used and manipulated to embed hierarchies, to spread falsehoods and to manipulate people – whether literate or otherwise. So training historians in the present and future simply requires the right skills to be learned, and the discipline of asking the right questions. Clearly, we have some challenges ahead; but there have always been such problems in the past.”
The risks heighten with the seductive charm of AI-generated visual imagery. Manu Pillai, who has written thoughtful and engrossing books on the history of southern India and, more recently, about the making of modern Hindu identity, told Index it was only a question of time before we find sophisticated imagery or videos generated by AI that would make the crudely written WhatsApp messages appear believable. There are twin dangers in India, he said. There is high digital access but weak digital literacy, “which means large segments of people are likely to be misled. We also live in a time when more and more people have an appetite for conspiracy theories and for ‘alt’ facts, and many therefore would be predisposed to swallow some of the material that comes their way”.
AI for good…occasionally
AI does provide notable benefits, such as drawing patterns from vast amounts of data and deciphering handwriting. It helps restore and better understand complex historical texts. The Arolsen Archives use AI to catalogue documents related to Nazi persecution victims. Yad Vashem uses AI to identify unknown Holocaust victims. The USC Shoah Foundation and Illinois Holocaust Museum use AI-driven holographic displays, voice recognition and virtual reality to create transparent, immersive experiences for remembrance and education.
AI’s inability to separate truth from lies is the real danger. As an aggregator, if it finds a particular version of a story cited more often, it is trained to assume it is part of the mainstream discourse. It overemphasises the dominant narrative over alternative views, which reinforces misinterpretations and falsehoods.
Manila-based Singaporean historian Thum Ping Tjin (better known as PJ Thum) is wary. The founder of New Naratif notes that throughout human history, tools have emerged to make our communication and information exchange quicker, and these tools have raised alarms. They have inevitably been co-opted by those with money and power in order to get more money and power. “They have used those tools to present versions of history to further their own goals,” Thum said.
“In many cases, the worst-case scenario you fear already exists,” he told Index. “Southeast Asian governments have long used their resources to fabricate, censor and present their own version of history and their power to enforce it. Singapore has had an entire industrial complex of official historians repeating the ‘official’ version of history. Professional historians who seek to correct the record are treated as public enemies.”
Thum himself underwent hours of gruelling questioning by government officials when he critiqued Singapore’s official interpretation of how it got separated from Malaysia, and the government introduced a new law intended to attack disinformation but which in effect ensured that the dominant, state-approved narrative would prevail.
Alarmed by the attacks on crucial aspects of American history, primarily dealing with race, the American Historical Association Council has issued guidelines based on principles that reinforce the need for historical thinking, reminding us that AI produces texts, images, audio and video, but not truth. It also warned about AI’s tendency to hallucinate and introduce false certainties.
AI’s biggest impact on history is deepfake technology. Erasing inconvenient truths or spreading lies isn’t new – Joseph Stalin famously airbrushed Leon Trotsky out of photos. In the late 1990s, a Malaysian newspaper altered photos to remove Anwar Ibrahim after he fell out with prime minister Mahathir Mohammed.
The problem of AI fakes
Forged documents have long confused historians; for example, Nazi era expert Hugh Trevor-Roper believed the fake Hitler diaries were genuine because of their voluminous content. The fabricated 1903 Protocols of the Elders of Zion fuelled antisemitism and conspiracy theories. Recently, AI-generated deepfake videos, such as one of US congresswoman Alexandria Ocasio-Cortez, which depicted her in Congress arguing that a jeans ad featuring Sydney Sweeney was racist, have gone viral, highlighting new dangers in disinformation.
Kanisetti points out that many Indians consume historical materials now through videos. These don’t claim authenticity, but to the untrained mind the realistic-looking videos appear to be well-researched. “The right wing has no incentive to doctor primary sources yet, because the general public is already uninterested in the ambiguities of evidence-based history,” he said. Many viewers want affirmation of their beliefs; they no longer care if what they are seeing is accurate.
In What is History?, EH Carr wrote: “The facts speak only when the historian calls on them: it is he who decides to which facts to give the floor, and in what order or context.” The selection of facts is integral to historical research. Good historians must be aware of their personal biases and the context of their work. Only humans have the capability to understand the emotions involved and the ethical choices that need to be made; it is why at universities, history is part of the humanities department and not in a scientific lab.
Historians are quick to caution. One of the biggest risks is Holocaust denial and revisionism. Unesco published a report last year with the World Jewish Congress, which showed how hate groups could use AI to deny the Holocaust, including by fabricated testimonies and altered historical records. The Historical Figures app allows users to ‘chat’ with prominent Nazis such as Adolf Hitler and Joseph Goebbels, and it falsely claims that Goebbels (for example) was not intentionally involved in the Holocaust and had tried to prevent violence against Jews. Unesco has its own recommendations for ethics in AI, which it urges governments to follow. It has also asked tech companies to improve their standards and act responsibly.
But governments have neither the capacity nor, in some cases, the willingness to prevent disinformation from spreading widely. Can states be trusted? Can corporations, which are incentivised by maximising shareholder value? Open-source algorithms, digital watermarking and community-based content moderation are all necessary potential solutions, but none is sufficient. Educating the public, particularly young people, on how to critically evaluate information and recognise misinformation is crucial to combat the negative impacts.
Thum told me: “The only defence against this is by educating ourselves to be more sceptical and information-literate; by democratising the tools and skills of history; and by teaching people to be more sceptical and critical of those with information and power, so that we are less likely to be tricked by AI or whatever the next technology is.”
In 1987, I interviewed Salman Rushdie in Bombay, as the city was then known, when he had completed writing The Satanic Verses. Other than his editors, few knew what the novel was about.
When I asked him, he said: “It is about angels and devils and how it is very difficult to establish ideas of morality in a world which has become so uncertain that it is difficult to even agree on what is happening. When one can’t agree on a description of reality, it is very hard to agree on whether that reality is good or evil, right or wrong. When one can’t say what is actually the case, it is difficult to proceed from that to an ethical position. Angels and devils are becoming confused ideas … It is an attempt to come to grips with that sense of a crumbling moral fabric or, at least, a need for the reconstruction of old simplicities.”
AI makes us believe in simplicities, that truth is easy to access, and that answers to complex questions are just one click away. It is the product in our age of instant gratification. Reality, like history, is more nuanced. The challenge lies in our not being condemned to repeat it.
10 Nov 2025 | Asia and Pacific, China, Europe and Central Asia, News and features, United Kingdom
Last week was a bad press week for Sheffield Hallam University after it was revealed they paused research into human rights abuses in Xinjiang because of a run-in with Beijing. Following research by Professor Laura Murphy on Uyghur forced labour, the university experienced threats against its China-based staff and blocked access in China. The university’s insurer pulled back and then university administrators barred her from continuing the work, at which stage Murphy threatened legal action for violation of academic freedom. The university has reversed its decision, albeit only after an unnecessary struggle. A shocking story for some, but not for us, and indeed the many other UK academics who came forward this week with similar stories.
People often ask me about “cancel culture” on campus. My usual response is: yes, it’s a problem but you know what’s also problematic and not talked about nearly as much? Chinese influence. We’ve been shouting about this for ages, and have dug deep via reports, follow-ups and panel discussions. As was the case with Sheffield Hallam, the influence is usually exerted through stick and carrot: the stick = harassment of students and staff, the carrot = access to China’s lucrative market. Given the growing number of Chinese students in the UK and the proliferation of UK joint institutes in China, we urgently need to address this problem. China is an incredibly important story. It can’t be airbrushed.
Questions about academic freedom aren’t confined to China-related issues or to cancel culture, as another academic freedom story from this week reminded us. This one concerns SOAS, who next June plan to host a conference by a group called Brismes, a well-respected UK-based organisation within the field of Middle Eastern studies. SOAS isn’t just renting a space to Brismes. They’ve issued the call for submissions on their own site too. As part of that call, participants are asked to declare whether their university is “built on captured land”. Several organisations that campaign for academic freedom have accused them of breaking free speech rules. They’re right to make the accusation. It’s a thinly veiled attempt to exclude Israeli and Israeli-Palestinian academics, who either might not support the framing or might find themselves in jeopardy if they do.
I have issue with compelled speech, as I’ve written about. It mirrors the tactics of authoritarian regimes, not open democracies. And in a university environment, it’s especially problematic. They should be about dialogue not dogma. Sadly such ideological purity tests (as one academic I spoke about this story called it) aren’t unique to SOAS or to this specific issue, which I reference to provide context not justification.
Of course there are usually other universities people can speak at, just as there might be other universities one can research China’s human rights abuses. But is that the point? Any university closing its doors to academics – whether out of fear of losing funding or because of demands for thought conformity – is bad, made all the worse because it’s part of a broader pattern.
10 Nov 2025 | Africa, Algeria, News and features, Statements
Ahead of upcoming court dates on 11 and 30 November 2025, 20 leading Algerian, regional and international organisations reiterate their calls on the Algerian authorities to drop all charges and release poet and activist Mohamed Tadjadit and his 12 co-defendants.
Mohamed Tadjadit along with 12 other activists, six of whom are currently detained, two in exile and four who are free pending trial, are facing baseless terrorism-related and “conspiracy against the state” charges punishable by death as the maximum sanction possible. The persecution of Tadjadit is based on his poetry and peaceful activism, making his continued imprisonment a violation of his fundamental rights. His prosecution sends an alarming signal to others who raise their voices for human rights and the rule of law in Algeria.
Tadjadit has long faced judicial harassment for his involvement in the Hirak movement that erupted in February 2019 to oppose the 5th term of former President Abdelaziz Bouteflika. Although the President resigned, the protesters continued to demonstrate, calling for political reforms and stronger human rights protections, despite a swift and harsh crackdown by the authorities. The authorities imprisoned Tadjadit at least six times between 2019 and 2025, for his artistic expression and political activism. Judicial authorities are now accusing Tadjadit of terrorism and “conspiracy against the state” on the basis of his political activism expressed through his poetry.
After being released under a presidential pardon from a previous period of detention in November 2024, the authorities arrested him again two months later on politically motivated charges. Following an expedited trial hearing, a judge sentenced him to five years in prison, which was later reduced to one year on appeal.
Mohamed Tadjadit has been shortlisted for the Index on Censorship Freedom of Expression Awards in recognition of his courageous and creative commitment to civilian rule, human rights, and democratic accountability in Algeria. His continued persecution, as well as the imprisonment of other protesters and prisoners of conscience, is a serious breach of Algeria’s obligations to international human rights law. We will continue to follow developments in these proceedings.
Mohamed Tadjadit is a poet and activist and should not be in prison. We call for him to be released and for all charges to be dropped.
Signed by:
Index on Censorship
Freemuse
Justitia Center for the Legal Protection of Human Rights in Algeria
Riposte Internationale
Cairo Institute for Human Rights Studies (CIHRS)
MENA Rights Group
Liberté Algérie
Shoaa For Human Rights
La Confédération Syndicale des Forces Productives (COSYFOP)
International Federation for Human Rights (FIDH)
PEN America
ARC – Artists at Risk Connection
EuroMed Rights
Amnesty International
PEN International
Adala For All association (AFA)
La Fondation pour la promotion des droits
Comité des Familles des Disparus en Algérie (CFDA)
Comité de Sauvegarde de la Ligue Algérienne des Droits de l’Homme (CS-LADDH)
Committee for Justice (CFJ)
—
Une déclaration commune exige la libération immédiate du poète algérien Mohamed Tadjadit, membre du mouvement Hirak, qui risque la peine de mort avant son audience prévue le 11 novembre.
À l’approche des audiences prévues les 11 et 30 novembre 2025, 20 organisations algériennes, régionales et internationales de premier plan réitèrent leur appel aux autorités algériennes pour qu’elles abandonnent toutes les charges retenues contre le poète et militant Mohamed Tadjadit et ses 12 coaccusés, et les libèrent.
Mohamed Tadjadit et 12 autres militants, dont six sont actuellement détenus, deux en exil et quatre en liberté dans l’attente de leur procès, font l’objet d’accusations sans fondement liées au terrorisme et à un « complot contre l’État », passibles de la peine capitale. La persécution de M. Tadjadit est fondée sur ses poèmes et son activisme pacifique, ce qui fait du maintien de sa détention une violation de ses droits fondamentaux. Les poursuites engagées à son encontre envoient un signal d’alarme à tous ceux qui élèvent la voix pour défendre les droits humains et l’État de droit en Algérie.
Tadjadit fait depuis longtemps l’objet de poursuites judiciaires pour son implication dans le mouvement Hirak, qui a éclaté en février 2019 pour s’opposer au cinquième mandat de l’ancien président Abdelaziz Bouteflika. Bien que le président ait démissionné, les manifestants ont continué à manifester, réclamant des réformes politiques et une meilleure protection des droits humains, malgré une répression rapide et sévère de la part des autorités. Les autorités ont emprisonné Tadjadit au moins six fois entre 2019 et 2025, pour son expression artistique et son activisme politique. Les autorités judiciaires accusent
désormais Tadjadit de terrorisme et de « complot contre l’État » sur la base de son activisme politique exprimé à travers sa poésie.
Après avoir été libéré en novembre 2024 d’une précédente période de détention grâce à une grâce présidentielle , les autorités l’ont de nouveau arrêté deux mois plus tard pour des motifs politiques. À l’issue d’un procès accéléré, un juge l’a condamné à cinq ans de prison, peine qui a ensuite été réduite à un an après appel.
Mohamed Tadjadit a été sélectionné pour le prix Index on Censorship Freedom of Expression Awards en reconnaissance de son engagement courageux et créatif en faveur du régime civil, des droits humains et de la responsabilité démocratique en Algérie. La persécution dont il continue de faire l’objet, ainsi que l’emprisonnement d’autres manifestants et prisonniers d’opinion, constituent une violation grave des obligations de l’Algérie envers le droit international relatif aux droits humains. Nous continuerons à suivre l’évolution de cette affaire.
Mohamed Tadjadit est un poète et un militant qui ne devrait pas être en prison. Nous demandons sa libération et l’abandon de toutes les charges qui pèsent contre lui.
—
منظمات حقوقية تعلن تضامنها مع الشاعر محمد َت َجاِّديت المعتقل والذي يواجه حالًيا عقوبة اإلعدام
قبيل جلسات المحاكمة المقررة في 11 و30 نوفمبر، تجّدد 20 من المنظمات الجزائرية واإلقليمية والدولية الموقعة أدناه دعوتها
للسلطات الجزائرية بإسقاط جميع التهم واإلفراج عن الشاعر والناشط محمد َت َجاِّديت ورفاقه الـ12 المتهمين معه.
ناش ًط آخر )بينهم 6 رهن االحتجاز حالًيا، واثنان في المنفى، وأربعة أخلي سبيلهم على ذمة القضية(، يواجه َت َجاِّديت، إلى جانب 12 ا
تهما ال أساس لها تتعلق باإلرهاب و”التآمر ضد الدولة”، وهي تهم يعاقب عليها باإلعدام، وذلك على خلفية نشاطه السلمي وأشعاره. ً
انتها لحقوقه األساسية. كما تمثل محاكمته رسالة ترهيب لكل من يرفع صوته دفا ًعا عن حقوق ًك األمر الذي يجعل استمرار حبسه ا
اإلنسان والديمقراطية في الجزائر.
لطالما واجه َت َجاِّديت مالحقات قضائية بسبب انخراطه في حراك فبراير ،2019 الذي انطلق رف ًضا للوالية الخامسة للرئيس السابق
عبد العزيز بوتفليقة. ورغم استقالة الرئيس، واصل المحتجون تظاهراتهم مطالبين بإصالحات سياسية وضمانات أكبر لحقوق
اإلنسان، رغم القمع العنيف والمتواصل من قبل السلطات.
َت ما ال يقل عن 6 مرات بين عامي 2019 و2025 بسبب نشاطه الفني والسياسي. حالًيا, يواجه تجاديت تهًما ُسجن َجاِّديت
باإلرهاب و”التآمر ضد الدولة” بسبب نشاطه السياسي وأشعاره، تصل عقوبتها حد اإلعدام. وبعد شهرين فقط على إطالق سراحه
بعفو رئاسي من فترة احتجاز سابقة في نوفمبر ،2024 أعادت السلطات الجزائرية اعتقاله بتهم ذات دوافع سياسية. و في جلسة
محاكمة مستعجلة، ُحكم عليه بالسجن خمس سنوات، تم تخفيضها بعد االستئناف إلى سنة واحدة.
تم اختيار محمد تجاديت لجائزة “مؤشر الرقابة لحرية التعبير”.تقدي ًرا اللتزامه الشجاع والمبدع ودفاعه عن الحكم المدني وحقوق
فضالَ عن الزج بمحتجين وسياسيين اإلنسان والمساءلة والديمقراطية في الجزائر. إن استمرار المالحقات القضائية لتجاديت،
قا جسي ًما اللتزامات الجزائر بموجب القانون الدولي لحقوق اإلنسان. سنواصل متابعة تطورات
ونشطاء آخرين في السجون، ُيعّد خرً
هذه القضية .
َت شاعر وناشط، ال ينبغي أن يكون خلف القضبان. نطالب باإلفراج عنه وإسقاط جميع التهم الموجهة إليه، وسنواصل متابعة َجاِّديت
تطورات قضيته.
المنظمات الموقعة:
.1 إندكس على الرقابة
.2 فريميوز
.3 مركز جيستيسيا للحماية القانونية لحقوق اإلنسان في الجزائر
.4 منظمة التصدي الدولية
.5 مركز القاهرة لدراسات حقوق اإلنسان
نا لحقوق اإلنسان
.6 مّ
.7 ليبرتي الجزائر
.8 منظمة شعاع لحقوق اإلنسان الجزائر
.9 الكنفدرالية النقابية للقوى المنتجة الجزائر
.10 الفيدرالية الدولية لحقوق اإلنسان
.11 منظمة القلم األمريكي
.12 منظمة الفنانون المعرضون للخطر
.13 األورو-متوسطية للحقوق
.14 منظمة العفو الدولية
.15 منظمة القلم الدولية
.16 جمعية عدالة للجميع
.17 المؤسسة من أجل تعزيز الحقوق الجزائر
.18 جمعية تج ّمع عائالت المفقودين في الجزائر
.19 لجنة إنقاذ الرابطة الجزائرية للدفاع عن حقوق اإلنسان
.20لجنة العدالة
7 Nov 2025 | Africa, Americas, Bahrain, Europe and Central Asia, News and features, Russia, Sudan, Tanzania, United States
Bombarded with news from all angles every day, important stories can easily pass us by. To help you cut through the noise, every Friday Index publishes a weekly news roundup of some of the key stories covering censorship and free expression. This week, we look at journalists under threat in Sudan and a Russian street musician continuing to take a stand.
Sudan: RSF releases video of missing journalist
Sudan’s RSF (Rapid Support Forces) have released a video admitting to the detention of a missing journalist.
Muammar Ibrahim, a freelance journalist, went missing on 26 October in El-Fasher, with a video circulating on Telegram of him being surrounded by armed men.
Ibrahim was thought to have been detained by RSF fighters, a fact that was confirmed in a video released by the RSF on 3 November in which Ibrahim is accused of being biased, and himself states that the investigation against him is due to his description of the RSF as a militia.
The video follows a statement from an RSF spokesperson to Al-Jazeera in which he said: “I have no knowledge of the arrest of Sudanese journalist Muammar Ibrahim”
Bahrain: Calls for release of prisoner after hunger strike
Calls have been made for the release of a prominent human rights defender in Bahrain following a hunger strike.
Abdulhadi Al-Khawaja, co-founder of the Gulf Centre for Human Rights and the Bahrain Center for Human Rights, has been imprisoned in Bahrain since 2011 and is currently serving a life sentence for his involvement in demonstrations during the pro-democracy uprisings in the country.
This coincides with a wider hunger strike throughout Bahrain’s Jaw prison involving more than 90 prisoners who are protesting against deteriorating conditions in the prison. This type of protest is not uncommon in the prison, with 800 prisoners taking part in a 2023 hunger strike.
Russia: Another sentence for 18-year-old street protest singer
Russian street musician Diana Loginova, also known as Naoko, has been sentenced to 13 days in jail for her performances of banned songs that went viral recently.
Loginova is the singer of St Petersberg band Stoptime, known for their street performances around the city.
This is the second detention she has faced in the last month, having just finished her previous sentence of 13 days; the singer still faces charges of discrediting the army, a charge that may lead to longer imprisonment.
Watch the video of one of Stoptime’s performances that has caused these charges here. For non-Russian speakers, the translation is here.
Tanzania: Crackdown on protest after incumbent wins 98% of presidential vote
A violent crackdown has begun following country-wide demonstrations that erupted during last week’s presidential elections in Tanzania.
Opposition party Chadema claims there have been 2,000 people killed so far, however these numbers have not been independently verified. The government has denied the use of excessive force against protesters.
The demonstrations began on election day last week and led to the deployment of the military to enforce a curfew across the city of Dar es Salaam.
On 1 November Tanzania’s electoral body declared Samia Suluhu Hassan, the incumbent president, winner with 97.66% of votes. Most of her rivals were either imprisoned or barred from taking part in the elections.
Internet watchdog Netblocks announced on 3 November that a five-day internet shutdown had been eased.
USAI: Trump facsimile takes the stage
US President Donald Trump has been accused of posting AI-generated videos of himself on social media again this week.
Trump is no stranger to AI video generation at this point, becoming a regular poster of content such as a video depicting himself flying a fighter jet and images of himself as a character from the Halo video games.
As AI videos become more and more realistic, Trump’s use of the technology sets an alarming precedent for its use by politicians globally, with the risk of it being used against political enemies increasing daily.
Watch one of the uncanny videos here, in which the apparent AI Trump stands behind a podium and recites his own TruthSocial posts.