10 Sep 2021 | Afghanistan, Belarus, Hong Kong, Ruth's blog
[vc_row][vc_column][vc_single_image image=”106069″ img_size=”full” add_caption=”yes”][vc_column_text]Afghanistan. Hong Kong. Belarus.
Every day we’ve learned of a new atrocity. A new act of repression. A new effort to silence. A new law to intimidate.
The news has been awful. There are too many heartbreaking stories, too many images of people being tortured or arrested. Too many things to be angry about. But the reality is, thankfully, as painful as these stories are. They are in the news. They are being covered. And the world knows what is happening – daylight is truly trying to act as a disinfectant.
So as much as I worry about the horrendous restrictions to free expression that we see on the news and the people behind the headlines, every night I find myself fretting about who we’re not reporting on. Who is missing? What other regimes should we be focusing on. Whose story needs to be told. And most importantly how can we help.
In part, the annual Index Freedom of Expression awards is our answer to that question. Shining a light on activists, campaigners, artists, writers and journalists who are being targeted by repressive regimes. Making sure that some of the bravest most inspirational people in the fight for the right to global free expression have their stories told. This weekend we will be announcing our winners. But it’s not just about our winners, it’s about every nominee from Brazil to Nicaragua, from Egypt to Russia. Their stories, their fights deserve the world’s attention. And on Sunday evening we get to share their stories.
So over the weekend please watch our social media for the coverage. But before we get there I want to thank this year’s sponsors, Facebook, Edwardian Hotels, the Times and Sunday Times, Microsoft and Sage publications for enabling us to shine a spotlight on repressive regimes that don’t always dominate the news.[/vc_column_text][/vc_column][/vc_row][vc_row][vc_column][three_column_post title=”You may also want to read” category_id=”41669″][/vc_column][/vc_row]
8 Sep 2021 | News, United Kingdom
[vc_row][vc_column][vc_single_image image=”117423″ img_size=”full” add_caption=”yes”][vc_column_text]
It is now more than 20 years since The Guardian and The Observer fought off attempts by the UK government to force them to hand over documents in the case of MI5 whistleblower David Shayler. At a judicial review, Judge Igor Judge concluded that demands to hand over journalistic material “would have a devastating and stifling effect on the proper investigation of the … story”.
The case reinforced the special status of journalistic sources in law – even in official secrecy cases – and established the principle that the police should not use journalists as informers.
As the Observer journalist responsible for writing the stories about Shayler’s disclosures, which included allegations of the involvement of UK intelligence in a plot to topple Libya’s Muammar Gaddafi, I was particularly concerned to see the latest proposals for the reform of the Official Secrets Act.
These include enhanced search powers to give police access to just the sort of journalistic “special procedure material” (notes, emails and recorded interviews) we fought so hard to keep from the police two decades ago. The new OSA would thus enshrine in law the “devastating and stifling effect” on journalism that so concerned Judge.
Much has happened in the two decades since The Guardian and The Observer’s principled stand in the High Court. The growth of digital technology, the emergence of global Islamist terrorism and the increased national security threat to the UK from Russia and China have given the government good arguments for reform of legislation that was enacted when the world wide web was in its infancy.
But the new act is authoritarianism by stealth – a full-on assault on media freedom, carefully hidden behind an apparently reasonable desire for reform.
The National Union of Journalists has rightly sounded the alarm over plans to increase the maximum prison sentence for breaches of the OSA, which currently stands at two years. This will have significant chilling effect on journalists investigating government wrongdoing and their civil servant sources. More worrying still is the distinction now being made between espionage and so-called “unauthorised disclosure offences” (ie, leaks to journalists). As the consultation makes clear, this government believes “there are cases where an unauthorised disclosure may be as, or more, serious in terms of intent and/or damage”. The argument is that a large-scale digital disclosure could benefit a number of hostile actors, whereas espionage is usually carried out by a single state. The effect, in practice, is that a journalist in receipt of secret documents could face a longer sentence than a spy.
Where the government really lets its authoritarian slip show, however, is in a section of the consultation about the number of successful prosecutions under existing legislation. The truth is that the record here is woeful. The government argument is as follows: “This is primarily due to the sensitive nature of the evidence that would typically be required to be disclosed in order to bring prosecutions, but also because of the age of the legislation, which means many of the offences are not designed for the modern world. Prosecutions, as a result, are challenging and rare.”
This is patent nonsense. In most cases, Official Secrets prosecutions fail because they should not have been brought in the first place.
Since the Shayler case, I have been involved in two other high-profile Official Secrets cases, both of which eventually collapsed. The first concerned Katharine Gun, a GCHQ whistleblower, who leaked details to The Observer of a covert US/UK operation to fix the vote at the UN Security Council in advance of the Iraq War in 2003.
As the recent film of the case – Official Secrets – made clear, the problem was not disclosure of evidence of the crime (Gun confessed to the leak) but disclosure that would lead to ministerial embarrassment about the legality of the war.
The second case involved a Foreign Office official, Derek Pasquill, who leaked details of government policy on radical Islam in 2006. Here again, the trial did not collapse over evidential disclosure. In this case there were serious questions over whether any of his disclosures should have been covered by the OSA in the first place.
For those who care about free speech, civil liberties and democracy, the most serious concern should be the resistance of the government to a public interest defence in such cases. This is where the British state and the British people come into direct conflict.
In the cases of Gun and Pasquill, there is no doubt they acted in the public interest to reveal uncomfortable truths for the government. Their revelations served not just the public interest but the national interest. If the new legislation had been in place at the time, it is quite possible that Gun and Pasquill would both have been sent to prison.
Boris Johnson, the UK’s journalist prime minister, has said he doesn’t want to see a world where people are prosecuted for doing their public duty. I look forward to his column condemning his government’s own Official Secrets proposals, which will create just that nightmare world.
This piece first appeared in the British Journalism Review
[/vc_column_text][/vc_column][/vc_row]
8 Sep 2021
[vc_row full_width=”stretch_row_content_no_spaces” css_animation=”fadeIn” css=”.vc_custom_1630693196413{padding-top: 105px !important;padding-bottom: 105px !important;background-image: url(https://www.indexoncensorship.org/wp-content/uploads/2021/09/Cover23-scaled.jpg?id=117362) !important;background-position: center !important;background-repeat: no-repeat !important;background-size: cover !important;}”][vc_column][vc_custom_heading text=”Freedom of Expression Awards 2021″ font_container=”tag:h1|text_align:center|color:%23ffffff” use_theme_fonts=”yes”][vc_single_image image=”117377″ img_size=”medium” alignment=”center”][/vc_column][/vc_row][vc_row][vc_column][vc_column_text]
The Nominees
The 2021 Freedom of Expression Awards will take place on 12 September 2021.
There are three nominees in each category, where each inspiring individual will be judged on their outstanding contributions in the areas of the arts, campaigning and journalism.
The full list of the nominees is below.
[/vc_column_text][/vc_column][/vc_row][vc_row][vc_column][vc_column_text]
Arts
[/vc_column_text][/vc_column][/vc_row][vc_row][vc_column][vc_separator color=”black” border_width=”3″][/vc_column][/vc_row][vc_row][vc_column width=”2/3″][vc_custom_heading text=”Daria Apakhonchich”][vc_custom_heading text=”Artist and activist” font_container=”tag:h4|text_align:left”][vc_custom_heading text=”Daria Apakhonchich is a Russian performance artist and feminist activist. Daria creates artistic performances to protest violence against women and support women’s rights in Russia. She contributed to the ‘Vulva Ballet’ in 2020. The piece was produced in defence of Yulia Tsvetkova, an LGBTQ artist activist and herself a former Index Awards winner, who faces up to six years in prison for her body positive feminist drawings.
In December 2020, Daria learned from media reports that she was the first artist to be labelled a “Foreign Agent” by Russian authorities. She was arrested and fined in January 2021. She also lost her teaching job with the Red Cross due to her activism and feminist engagement.” font_container=”tag:h3|text_align:left” google_fonts=”font_family:Alegreya%3Aregular%2Citalic%2C700%2C700italic%2C900%2C900italic|font_style:400%20regular%3A400%3Anormal”][vc_empty_space][/vc_column][vc_column width=”1/3″][vc_single_image image=”117390″ img_size=”full” onclick=”custom_link” link=”https://www.indexoncensorship.org/campaigns/letters-from-lukashenkas-prisoners/maxim-znak/”][/vc_column][/vc_row][vc_row][vc_column][vc_empty_space height=”0px”][/vc_column][/vc_row][vc_row][vc_column width=”2/3″][vc_custom_heading text=”Émerson Maranhão”][vc_custom_heading text=”Film director” font_container=”tag:h4|text_align:left”][vc_custom_heading text=”Émerson Maranhão is a Brazilian film director who focuses on LGBTQ+ visibility. Émerson’s last movie, Those Two, follows the lives of two transgender men and their journey towards self-acceptance. In 2019, the Brazilian government halted state funding for films representing LGBTQ themes. A judge later determined that this decision was discriminatory and ordered that funding be reinstated, a victory in a time of rising censorship of LGBTQ+ artistic expression in Bolsonaro’s Brazil.” font_container=”tag:h3|text_align:left” google_fonts=”font_family:Alegreya%3Aregular%2Citalic%2C700%2C700italic%2C900%2C900italic|font_style:400%20regular%3A400%3Anormal”][vc_empty_space][/vc_column][vc_column width=”1/3″][vc_single_image image=”117394″ img_size=”full” onclick=”custom_link” link=”https://www.indexoncensorship.org/campaigns/letters-from-lukashenkas-prisoners/volha-takarchuk/”][/vc_column][/vc_row][vc_row][vc_column][vc_empty_space][/vc_column][/vc_row][vc_row][vc_column width=”2/3″][vc_custom_heading text=”Tatyana Zelenskaya”][vc_custom_heading text=”Artist” font_container=”tag:h4|text_align:left”][vc_custom_heading text=”Tatyana Zelenskaya is an illustrator from Kyrgyzstan, her works focus on freedom of expression and women’s rights. Tatyana highlights social issues, including domestic violence and women’s rights. More recently, her work has been inspired by the growing anti-government protests which have erupted across Russia and Kyrgyzstan.
In 2020, she created the artwork for the video game Swallows: Spring in Bishkek which raises awareness about bride-kidnapping. The interactive game provides useful information on bride-kidnapping with the aim of challenging traditional perceptions of the practice.” font_container=”tag:h3|text_align:left” google_fonts=”font_family:Alegreya%3Aregular%2Citalic%2C700%2C700italic%2C900%2C900italic|font_style:400%20regular%3A400%3Anormal”][vc_empty_space][/vc_column][vc_column width=”1/3″][vc_single_image image=”117407″ img_size=”full” onclick=”custom_link” link=”https://www.indexoncensorship.org/campaigns/letters-from-lukashenkas-prisoners/maria-kalesnikava/”][/vc_column][/vc_row][vc_row][vc_column][vc_column_text]
Campaigning
[/vc_column_text][/vc_column][/vc_row][vc_row][vc_column][vc_separator color=”black” border_width=”3″][/vc_column][/vc_row][vc_row][vc_column width=”2/3″][vc_custom_heading text=”Nandar”][vc_custom_heading text=”Activist” font_container=”tag:h4|text_align:left”][vc_custom_heading text=”Nandar is a feminist activist, translator and storyteller from Myanmar. Nandar grew up in a village in the north-eastern Shan state of Myanmar. She experienced first-hand the hardships that many women face when living in a society with traditional gender roles. Nandar created a podcast to tackle taboo topics in the country such as menstruation and abortion.
She also founded the Purple Feminists Group to promote feminist literature, challenge mainstream taboos, amplify women and girls’ voices, and raise awareness of gender-based violence.” font_container=”tag:h3|text_align:left” google_fonts=”font_family:Alegreya%3Aregular%2Citalic%2C700%2C700italic%2C900%2C900italic|font_style:400%20regular%3A400%3Anormal”][vc_empty_space][/vc_column][vc_column width=”1/3″][vc_single_image image=”117408″ img_size=”full” onclick=”custom_link” link=”https://www.indexoncensorship.org/campaigns/letters-from-lukashenkas-prisoners/maria-kalesnikava/”][/vc_column][/vc_row][vc_row][vc_column width=”2/3″][vc_custom_heading text=”Anouar Rahmani”][vc_custom_heading text=”Writer” font_container=”tag:h4|text_align:left”][vc_custom_heading text=”Anouar Rahmani is an Algerian writer and human rights defender. Through his writings, Anouar explores human rights issues in Algeria, including those of LGBTQ+ people and those of religious minorities. He is the author of two novels, The City of White Shadow and Jibril’s Hallucination. He has faced significant threats and online harassment for his writings. Rahmani has also been harassed by Algerian authorities due to his work. In 2017, he was arrested for blasphemy and in 2020, he was forced to pay a 50,000 Dinar fine for “insulting state officials”.” font_container=”tag:h3|text_align:left” google_fonts=”font_family:Alegreya%3Aregular%2Citalic%2C700%2C700italic%2C900%2C900italic|font_style:400%20regular%3A400%3Anormal”][vc_empty_space][/vc_column][vc_column width=”1/3″][vc_single_image image=”117410″ img_size=”full” onclick=”custom_link” link=”https://www.indexoncensorship.org/campaigns/letters-from-lukashenkas-prisoners/maria-kalesnikava/”][/vc_column][/vc_row][vc_row][vc_column width=”2/3″][vc_custom_heading text=”Abdelrahman “Moka” Tarek”][vc_custom_heading text=”Activist” font_container=”tag:h4|text_align:left”][vc_custom_heading text=”Abdelrahman “Moka” Tarek is an Egyptian human rights defender and Member of the 6 April Movement. He took part in the 25 January Egyptian Revolution. In 2013 he was arrested at the Shura Council Protest along with 24 other peaceful protesters. He was convicted to 3 years in prison as well as a 3-year suspended sentence.
In September 2019, Abdelrahman was assaulted by a police officer as he was serving his suspended sentence at Qsar Al-Nil Police station. He disappeared soon after sharing this aggression on social media. Since then, new terrorism-related charges have been pressed against him and he was sent back to Tora prison.” font_container=”tag:h3|text_align:left” google_fonts=”font_family:Alegreya%3Aregular%2Citalic%2C700%2C700italic%2C900%2C900italic|font_style:400%20regular%3A400%3Anormal”][vc_empty_space][/vc_column][vc_column width=”1/3″][vc_single_image image=”117409″ img_size=”full” onclick=”custom_link” link=”https://www.indexoncensorship.org/campaigns/letters-from-lukashenkas-prisoners/maria-kalesnikava/”][/vc_column][/vc_row][vc_row][vc_column][vc_column_text]
Journalism
[/vc_column_text][/vc_column][/vc_row][vc_row][vc_column][vc_separator color=”black” border_width=”3″][/vc_column][/vc_row][vc_row][vc_column width=”2/3″][vc_custom_heading text=”Kadar Abdi Ibrahim”][vc_custom_heading text=”Activist and journalist” font_container=”tag:h4|text_align:left”][vc_custom_heading text=”Kadar Abdi Ibrahim is a human rights activist and journalist from Djibouti. Kadar Abdi Ibrahim was the co-director and chief editor of L’Aurore, Djibouti’s only privately-owned media outlet. In 2016, the newspaper was banned following the publication of a story about the massacre of 29 people, understood to have been perpetrated by state forces. In April 2018, just days after returning from Geneva, intelligence service agents raided his house and confiscated his passport. He has been unable to leave the country since then.” font_container=”tag:h3|text_align:left” google_fonts=”font_family:Alegreya%3Aregular%2Citalic%2C700%2C700italic%2C900%2C900italic|font_style:400%20regular%3A400%3Anormal”][vc_empty_space][/vc_column][vc_column width=”1/3″][vc_single_image image=”117413″ img_size=”full” onclick=”custom_link” link=”https://www.indexoncensorship.org/campaigns/letters-from-lukashenkas-prisoners/maria-kalesnikava/”][/vc_column][/vc_row][vc_row][vc_column width=”2/3″][vc_custom_heading text=”Verónica Chávez”][vc_custom_heading text=”Journalist” font_container=”tag:h4|text_align:left”][vc_custom_heading text=”Verónica Chávez is the co-owner of 100% Noticias, an online Nicaraguan media outlet dedicated to providing critical journalism. Despite President Daniel Ortega’s strict crackdown on media in Nicaragua, 100% Noticias has continued to provide critical journalism. In 2018, police raided the offices of 100% Noticias, confiscated the station’s equipment and arrested Chávez, her husband journalist Miguel Mora and news director Lucia Pineda. Chávez was subsequently released, but Mora and Pineda were charged and imprisoned for a year. Chávez continued to run 100% Noticias during that time.
Ortega’s intimidation recently intensified and in October 2020, Chávez was assaulted by members of paramilitary groups close to the government which left her in intensive care. The international community has condemned the attack.” font_container=”tag:h3|text_align:left” google_fonts=”font_family:Alegreya%3Aregular%2Citalic%2C700%2C700italic%2C900%2C900italic|font_style:400%20regular%3A400%3Anormal”][vc_empty_space][/vc_column][vc_column width=”1/3″][vc_single_image image=”117412″ img_size=”full” onclick=”custom_link” link=”https://www.indexoncensorship.org/campaigns/letters-from-lukashenkas-prisoners/maria-kalesnikava/”][/vc_column][/vc_row][vc_row][vc_column width=”2/3″][vc_custom_heading text=”Samira Sabou”][vc_custom_heading text=”Journalist and blogger” font_container=”tag:h4|text_align:left”][vc_custom_heading text=”Samira Sabou is a Nigerien journalist, blogger and president of the Niger Bloggers for Active Citizenship Association (ABCA). In June 2020, Sabou was arrested and charged with defamation under the 2019 cybercrime law in connection with a Facebook post highlighting corruption. She spent over a month in detention before eventually being released.
Through her work with ABCA, she conducts training sessions on disseminating information on social media based on journalistic ethics. She teaches journalists and bloggers how to continue to publish despite a cybercrime law, enacted in 2019, which severely restricts freedom of expression in the country.
Sabou is also active in promoting girls’ and women’s right to free expression and has championed women’s leadership through her work.” font_container=”tag:h3|text_align:left” google_fonts=”font_family:Alegreya%3Aregular%2Citalic%2C700%2C700italic%2C900%2C900italic|font_style:400%20regular%3A400%3Anormal”][vc_empty_space][/vc_column][vc_column width=”1/3″][vc_single_image image=”117411″ img_size=”full” onclick=”custom_link” link=”https://www.indexoncensorship.org/campaigns/letters-from-lukashenkas-prisoners/maria-kalesnikava/”][/vc_column][/vc_row]
