17 Aug 2018 | Artistic Freedom, Equatorial Guinea, News and features
[vc_row][vc_column][vc_images_carousel images=”102246,102245,102244″ img_size=”full” speed=”3000″ autoplay=”yes”][vc_column_text]Ramón Nse Esono Ebale draws out of a desire to create a world that is different from the one he can see with his eyes. It was that desire that led to his arrest and detention in September 2017.
Ebale’s cartoons take aim at Teodoro Obiang, Equatorial Guinea’s long-time dictator, who has been in power since 1979, just two years after Ebale was born. Drawing under the pseudonym Jamon y Queso, his cartoons lambast Obiang for his corruption and the absurdities of his rule.
Ebale left the country in 2011 after he received threats from government supporters and has been living in Paraguay for the past six years. While there, Ebale co-authored a graphic novel called La pesadilla de Obi. In the novel, president Obiang wakes up one morning as an unemployed husband living in the slums of Malabo. The novel was censored in EG and had to be smuggled into the country.
When Ebale returned to renew his passport, which the embassy in Paraguay couldn’t do, in order to move to El Salvador to be with his family. He was arrested and charged with money laundering and counterfeiting.
After his arrest, cartoonists and organisations from around the world launched a campaign — #FreeNseRamon — calling for Obiang to free him. Ebale was awarded Courage in Cartooning Award by Cartoonists Rights Network International to bring attention to his case.
He was finally released in March 2018 after an officer confessed to arresting Ebale on false charges after he was told to by his superiors.
Ebale plans to continue with his criticism of both the government and president Obiang because although he is free, things haven’t changed in EG.
Ebale shared his thoughts during an email exchanged with Index on Censorship’s Sandra Osei-Frimpong.
Index: What did you fear will happen when you went back to Equatorial Guinea?
Ebale: Because of the reputation of the regime and president controlling EG, no one believed my trip will be peaceful. But I did not fear anything and was always prudent. My family was afraid but I don’t think I allowed them to see my fear.
Index: Did you have a contingency plan in place before you left Paraguay?
Ebale: My drawings were my protection. They tell my story and are evidence of what I’ve been through. One cannot stop it if someone plans to hurt them so my only plan was to have my drawings speak for me.
Index: How were you treated in prison?
Ebale: They tried to suppress the campaign asking for my freedom. I was treated better than others in prison because my family was working to set me free and there was also external pressure.
Index: What are your plans now that you’ve left EG again? Do you plan to continue with criticism of the government?
Ebale: My plans have not changed. I still love drawing. Just because I am free doesn’t mean the regime has ended so my plan has not changed. You get a break when you die so living is the only thing that you have.
Index: What effect if any do you think your cartoons and criticism has had on the situation in EG especially since it is censored there?
Ebale: By censuring me, they censure people that are discovering new things through social media. I use social media to spread my passion for drawing and my crazy political ideas. The impact was enormous because it gave us a new tool to use in our fight to democratise the country: caricatures. It continues on from the drawings.
Index: What effects do you think your cartoons has had on people/countries outside of EG?
Ebale: Outside of my country my drawings are competing honourably with other African artists in countries and situations that are possibly worse than mine. The facts that my drawings have fans that live far from my country shows that my drawings are having a positive effect.
Index: What changes do you hope to see in EG?
Ebale: I want my grandchildren to be able to peacefully live with me in Mikomeseng. I want us to be able to cross the border without military barrier to reach Bitam. This is not much to ask for but I wish for it.
Index: Do you plan on ever returning to EG?
Ebale: Yes. It is my home.
Index: The main reason why you went back to EG was to get a passport so you can be with your family in El Salvador. What have you told your son about EG? Do you think you will you ever take him there?
Ebale: My son was born in EG. when they detained me he was there to visit and support me. He knows everything and I did not have to explain it to him because he was in Eg with me the whole time. My daughter on the other hand I’ve had to explain things to although she is too young to understand everything because she was not there and has never lived in EG.
Index: What motivates you to create?
Ebale: I am motivated by the belief that I can create a world different from the one I see with my eyes or recreate it. When you go to sleep and dream, the dreams are like drawings and if you wouldn’t be able to draw it all if you tried. Sleeping and being awake are different because being awake allows you to see how those around you live and move. You should be motivated by what you see. Dreaming is like drawing without your hands.
Index:When did you start drawing political cartoons?
Ebale: I started with the newspaper La Verdad del CPDS.
Index:Is there a work or group of works that you are proudest of?
Ebale: Yes: 218 TRILOGY.. Next
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Index encourages an environment in which artists and arts organisations can challenge the status quo, speak out on sensitive issues and tackle taboos.
Index currently runs workshops in the UK, publishes case studies about artistic censorship, and has produced guidance for artists on laws related to artistic freedom in England and Wales.
Learn more about our work defending artistic freedom.[/vc_column_text][/vc_column][/vc_row][vc_row][vc_column][vc_custom_heading text=”Subscribe to the Index newsletter” font_container=”tag:h3|text_align:left” use_theme_fonts=”yes”][vc_column_text]To find out more about Index on Censorship and our work protecting free expression, join our mailing list to receive our weekly newsletter, monthly events email and periodic updates about our projects and campaigns. See a sample of what you can expect here.
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16 Aug 2018 | Events
[vc_row][vc_column][vc_row_inner][vc_column_inner][vc_custom_heading text=”Join Index on Censorship CEO Jodie Ginsberg at this year’s Battle of Ideas. She’ll be participating in two sessions exploring the cultural legacy of 1968 and the trivialisation of legislation.” use_theme_fonts=”yes”][/vc_column_inner][/vc_row_inner][vc_custom_heading text=”Creating new crimes: The trivialisation of legislation? | When: Saturday, 13 October, 2:00-3:30pm | Where: Barbican Centre, Cinema 3 ” font_container=”tag:h3|text_align:left” use_theme_fonts=”yes”][vc_column_text]
Despite the sclerosis that Brexit has allegedly created in getting on with the job of government, there seems to be no slowdown in the creation of new laws to tackle perceived social ills. For example, there are proposed new laws to ban or regulate smacking, nuisance calls, corrosive substances, drones and laser pointers. Michael Gove has been particularly prolific at Defra, with the latest legislative innovations being crackdowns on electric-shock training collars for dogs and ‘cruel’ puppy farms.Another example is the review which is to take place into whether misogynistic conduct should be treated as a hate crime, following Labour MP Stella Creasy’s call to change the law. The review was itself announced during a debate on the Voyeurism Bill, which proposed to criminalise ‘upskirting’ – the taking of unsolicited pictures under someone’s clothing. Nor it it just in Westminster that this expansion of legal controls is taking place. Councils’ use of public spaces protection orders (PSPOs) is making previously legal, if sometimes anti-social, behaviour subject to criminal proceedings, like rough sleeping, busking and dog-walking in parks.Yet this proliferation of new offences sits alongside recent figures showing that more traditional crimes are being policed less than ever. Police forces are closing investigations without identifying a suspect in 80 per cent of household burglaries, 75 per cent of reported vehicle thefts and more than 50 per cent of shoplifting cases. The Guardian reports that the Metropolitan Police are more frequently dropping investigations into serious crimes such as sexual offences, violent attacks and arson within hours of them being reported. The UK’s largest force ‘screened out’ 34,164 crimes on the day they were reported in 2017, compared to 13,019 the year before, blaming increased demand and reduced officer numbers.But the failure of the authorities to investigate serious crimes properly – like the activities of rape gangs in the north of England – while devoting resources to scouring Twitter for offensive words, leafleting about ‘hate crimes’ and dispersing and arresting the homeless, suggests that law enforcement has become politicised. As the old refrain goes, shouldn’t the police be out there catching real criminals? Is the law being misused?Tellingly, Ms Creasy praised the government’s misogyny law review as sending a hugely positive signal: ‘We have just sent a message to every young woman in this country that we are on their side.’ But is ‘sending a message’ really the proper role for legislation? And what are the consequences? For example, in England and Wales, 71 per cent of prison inmates are serving time for non-violent offences, with 47 per cent of prisoners serving sentences of less than six months. Will new laws mean even more people being incarcerated for relatively trivial crimes?
What is the proper role of the law today? Are we creating too many new laws? With limited police resources, are such laws even enforceable? Are we devoting too many resources to politically fashionable laws at the expense of tackling traditional crime – and traditional freedoms?
[/vc_column_text][/vc_column][/vc_row][vc_row content_placement=”top”][vc_column width=”1/5″][vc_single_image image=”102802″ img_size=”full” add_caption=”yes”][/vc_column][vc_column width=”1/5″][vc_single_image image=”102221″ img_size=”full” add_caption=”yes”][/vc_column][vc_column width=”1/5″][vc_single_image image=”102803″ img_size=”full” add_caption=”yes”][/vc_column][vc_column width=”1/5″][vc_single_image image=”102804″ img_size=”full” add_caption=”yes”][/vc_column][vc_column width=”1/5″][vc_single_image image=”102805″ img_size=”full” add_caption=”yes”][/vc_column][/vc_row][vc_row][vc_column][vc_row_inner content_placement=”top”][vc_column_inner width=”1/4″][vc_custom_heading text=”Chair” font_container=”tag:h3|text_align:left” use_theme_fonts=”yes”][vc_single_image image=”102806″ img_size=”full” add_caption=”yes”][/vc_column_inner][vc_column_inner width=”3/4″][vc_single_image image=”102226″ img_size=”full” onclick=”custom_link” img_link_target=”_blank” link=”https://www.battleofideas.org.uk/battle-ideas-2018-tickets/”][/vc_column_inner][/vc_row_inner][vc_custom_heading text=”The cultural legacy of 1968 | When: Sunday, 14 October 4-5:15pm | Where: Barbican Centre, Cinema 3″ font_container=”tag:h3|text_align:left” use_theme_fonts=”yes”][vc_column_text]‘Pouvoir à l’Imagination’ – ‘Power to the Imagination’ – declared graffiti daubed on walls in Paris in May 1968. And while students and workers occupied universities and factories, and protesters hurled pavés at police, street art and impromptu theatrical performances became just as much a part of the political moment. In the UK and US, too, art and music helped pull protest into mainstream consciousness, with anti-war protests and demands for civil rights or sexual freedom accompanied by a bourgeoning musical soundtrack. Even Daniel ‘Danny the Red’ Cohn-Bendit, a central figure of the Paris Spring, claims that the 1960s revolt ‘was spurred by the idea of a counterculture, which was mainly carried via rock music’. As protests gathered pace from Rio to Washington to Berlin to Tokyo, conceptual art, films, poetry and plays were used to explore and disseminate new ideas. Jean-Luc Godard, then a Maoist, wanted his films to change the world. Why did culture play such a prominent role in the political turmoil of the late 1960s? And 50 years on, can art and music still forge social and political change?
Recently we’ve seen the mainstream popularity of ‘real time’ political theatre, artist-led drives to challenge Brexit, and campaigns such as #Grime4Corbyn. The 2018 Turner Prize shortlist was described as the most political to date, tackling human rights abuses, identity politics, colonialism and stop-and-search policies. Does this mean the radical cultural legacy of the 1960s is as alive as ever? Or has it simply become institutionalised, even neutered? After all, the Turner Prize is brought to us by those pillars of the establishment, Tate and BBC, and the fiftieth anniversary of Paris 1968 was marked by Christian Dior and Gucci launching celebratory collections and a ’68-themed ad campaign.
For some critics, brands and big money sponsorship are creating a generation of artists that play it safe rather than challenging conventional political worldviews and making us think. Others, such as writer Sohrab Ahmari, say a growing politicisation in art, especially around identity politics, is detracting from aesthetic concerns and values. At the Cannes Film Festival 2018, as actresses protested against gender-based discrimination in the industry, Godard remarked controversially that today ‘filming is boring, actors are too involved in politics’.
Godard’s generation used new techniques and technologies to circumvent traditional cultural custodians and gatekeepers. Is it too easy for artists today to claim the mantle of radicalism while conforming to well-established political and aesthetic expectations? Should we worry more that genuine dissent is increasingly locked out of the arts? Or was political art always a bit of a pose, concealing a lack of aesthetic substance?[/vc_column_text][/vc_column][/vc_row][vc_row content_placement=”top”][vc_column width=”1/4″][vc_single_image image=”102222″ img_size=”full” add_caption=”yes”][/vc_column][vc_column width=”1/4″][vc_single_image image=”102221″ img_size=”full” add_caption=”yes”][/vc_column][vc_column width=”1/4″][vc_single_image image=”102223″ img_size=”full” add_caption=”yes”][/vc_column][vc_column width=”1/4″][vc_single_image image=”102220″ img_size=”full” add_caption=”yes”][/vc_column][/vc_row][vc_row][vc_column][vc_row_inner content_placement=”top”][vc_column_inner width=”1/4″][vc_custom_heading text=”Chair” font_container=”tag:h3|text_align:left” use_theme_fonts=”yes”][vc_single_image image=”102219″ img_size=”full” add_caption=”yes”][/vc_column_inner][vc_column_inner width=”3/4″][vc_single_image image=”102226″ img_size=”full” onclick=”custom_link” img_link_target=”_blank” link=”https://www.battleofideas.org.uk/battle-ideas-2018-tickets/”][/vc_column_inner][/vc_row_inner][/vc_column][/vc_row]
15 Aug 2018 | Bahrain, Bahrain News, Middle East and North Africa, News and features, Statements
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Bahraini human rights defender Nabeel Rajab (Photo: The Bahrain Institute for Rights and Democracy)
The United Nations (UN) Working Group on Arbitrary Detention has issued a formal decision declaring Bahrain’s imprisonment of human rights defender Nabeel Rajab unlawful. Rajab – who was arrested on 13 June 2016 and later sentenced to a total of seven years in prison for tweets and media appearances – is arbitrarily detained under eight articles of the Universal Declaration of Human Rights and seven articles of the International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights, according to the Working Group. It finds that Rajab should never have been prosecuted and that Bahraini authorities employed “vague and overly broad” legal provisions to target him for his “political views and convictions.” His detention, therefore, constitutes two different categories of arbitrary detention under the Working Group’s mandate, in that it contravenes his rights to freedom of opinion and expression, and it discriminates against him as a human rights defender.
“Our friend Nabeel has been in detention for more than two years,” said Index on Censorship chief executive Jodie Ginsberg. “Bahrain should release him immediately and pay compensation as urged by the UN Working Group on Arbitrary Detention. We hope that these findings will also encourage the UK government to do more to encourage its ally Bahrain to uphold its international human rights obligations.”
Bahrain is urged to immediately and unconditionally release Rajab — a 2012 Index on Censorship Freedom of Expression Award winner — from custody and “accord him an enforceable right to compensation and other reparations.” Moreover, the Working Group concludes that Bahrain’s consistent pattern of arbitrary detention against human rights defenders, activists, religious leaders, and other civil society actors may be approaching crimes against humanity.
Please find the Working Group’s key observations below:
· “Mr. Rajab has been arrested, detained, prosecuted and imprisoned for allegedly spreading false news abroad which damages the national interest and for allegedly spreading false rumours in wartime, insulting governing authorities and insulting a foreign country — pursuant to articles 133, 134, 215 and 216 of the Penal Code. . . these provisions of the Penal Code are so vague and overly broad that they could, as in the present case, result in penalties being imposed on individuals who had merely exercised their rights under international law.”
· “Given its finding that the deprivation of liberty of Mr. Rajab is arbitrary under category II … no such trial of Mr. Rajab should have taken place or take place in the future.”
· “The Working Group cannot help but notice that Mr. Rajab’s political views and convictions are clearly at the centre of the present case and that the authorities have displayed an attitude towards him that can only be characterised as discriminatory; indeed, he has been the target of persecution, including deprivation of liberty, for many years and there is no other explanation for this except that he is exercising his right to express such views and convictions.”
· “The deprivation of liberty of Nabeel Ahmed Abdulrasool Rajab, being in contravention of … the Universal Declaration of Human Rights and … the International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights, is arbitrary.”
· “The Working Group considers that … the appropriate remedy would be to release Mr. Rajab immediately and accord him an enforceable right to compensation and other reparations, in accordance with international law.”
· “The present case is one of several brought before the Working Group in the past five years concerning the arbitrary deprivation of liberty of persons in Bahrain . . . under certain circumstances, widespread or systematic imprisonment or other severe deprivation of liberty in violation of the rules of international law may constitute crimes against humanity.”
Commenting, Husain Abdulla, Executive Director of Americans for Democracy & Human Rights in Bahrain (ADHRB): “This is a landmark decision that clearly indicts Bahrain’s systematic and widespread arbitrary detention of activists like Nabeel Rajab for exercising their right to free expression. The Bahraini government must immediately heed the UN’s call to release Rajab and compensate him for the last two years he’s spent illegally languishing in prison. As the UN’s findings rightly suggest, this is not just a crime against a brave human rights defender, but part of Bahrain’s wider crimes against humanity.”
Sayed Ahmed Alwadaei, Director of Advocacy for the Bahrain Institute for Rights and Democracy (BIRD): “The UN has now unequivocally found that Bahrain is arbitrarily detaining Nabeel Rajab in violation of numerous international legal standards – these vital findings cannot be ignored. It is now incumbent on Bahrain’s allies like the United Kingdom, which has so far failed to address Rajab’s case, to publicly back the UN’s demands for his unconditional release. Anything short of that is a tacit endorsement Bahrain’s patently criminal behaviour.”
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15 Aug 2018 | News and features
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During her time as director of the Manifesto Club, Josie Appleton has dealt with many Community Protection Notice and Public Space Protection Orders being served for non-criminal reasons.
She has dealt with PSPOs for rough sleeping, begging, annoying dogs and even people moving rocks. In her view, these are cases that should be dealt with by the interested parties without the involvement local government or police.
“Once you give the state power, you do not defend victims, you make people victims of the state and that is what happening now,” she says.
The power that Appleton is referring to comes from the Anti-Social Behaviour, Crime and Policing Act 2014, which was introduced after a government white paper — Putting Victims First – More Effective Responses To Anti-Social Behaviour — found that “in some local areas, the focus is still too much on ‘management’ of individuals causing anti-social behaviour, rather than working quickly to stop problems causing serious harm to victims”. The government’s solution was to give local authorities a broad range of powers to limit people’s movements and expression in public places under the guise of stopping anti-social behaviour.

Photograph of pro-life protest distributed at Ealing Council meeting, 10 April 2018.
Two sections under the act have already been used to create orders that limit people’s freedom of expression: part two on Criminal Behaviour Orders and part four on community protection.
CBOs allow prosecutors to take an injunction against a person who has already been convicted of a crime. If the “court is satisfied, beyond reasonable doubt, that the offender has engaged in behaviour that caused or was likely to cause harassment, alarm or distress to any person,” then an order will prohibit certain activities, or require the offender to take specific actions.
In June, London’s Metropolitan Police sought and obtained a CBO preventing five members of 1011, a gang based in Ladbroke Grove, London, from making drill music, a style of rap known for its dark or violent lyrics. The order prohibits the individuals from making music videos about violence or other gang members, and from posting any songs without notifying the police in advance.
Although the court can consider evidence regarding CBOs, “it does not matter whether the evidence would have been admissible… evidence could include hearsay or bad character evidence”. This means that although violating a CBO can lead to a prison sentence up to five years, the burden of proof is lower than that required in other criminal cases brought before the court.
The other order under the act that has been used to limit freedom of expression is the Public Space Protection Order.
The PSPO is a replacement for three previous orders — Gating Orders, Designated Public Place Orders and Dog Control Orders — but it can be used for a broader range of incidents. It states that if activities carried out in an area have a “detrimental effect on the quality of life of those in the locality,” then local governments can take restrictive action.
Appleton believes one of the problems with the order is that it is so vague that the government can use it to prohibit any activity they disagree with or use it to target a specific group. “[I]s, or is likely to be” is repeated several times, meaning all that is needed is a suspicion that an action could cause harm.
While the law gives wide latitude to the local councils, it does require that there is a “particular regard to the rights of freedom of expression and freedom of assembly set out in articles 10 and 11” of the European Convention on Human Rights when deciding whether to create a PSPO.
Regardless, on 10 April Ealing Council in London passed a PSPO that restricted the actions of anti-abortion protesters around a Marie Stopes clinic. The PSPO was introduced to protect women entering the clinic. In a report written by Ealing’s Safer Community Team, it is reported that the protesters often talked to them and tried to hand them items such as rosaries, pamphlets and models of foetuses. Sometimes the pro-life groups were joined by pro-choice protesters which created a tense situation.

Photograph of pro-life protest distributed at Ealing Council meeting, 10 April 2018.
The PSPO created a buffer zone moving the protesters 100 metres away from the clinic, meaning they are too far away to talk to women entering the clinic.
The PSPO prohibits “protesting, namely engaging in any act of approval/disapproval or attempted act of approval/disapproval, with respect to issues related to abortion services, by any means. This includes but is not limited to graphic, verbal or written means, prayer or counselling”.
A report produced by the Ealing’s Safer Community Team states that they did take into account articles 8, 9, 10, 11 and 14 of ECHR, which include protections on religious belief, freedom of expression and freedom of assembly. However, they ruled that it was necessary to interfere with these rights in order to protect visitors to the clinic under the Equality Act of 2010. It also found these women to be a protected group under article 8 of ECHR (the right to private and family life).
The report also states that despite the fact that the protesters haven’t done anything worthy of persecution, council members were advised that it was not “a reason to rule out the possibility that the activities are having the requisite detrimental effect”.
Clare Mulvany, a spokesperson for the pro-life group Be Here For Me, told Index on Censorship: “The Council is undoubtedly entitled to take steps to protect women entering abortion clinics from genuine harassment and intimidation. There is not any dispute about that. However, the difficulty here is that the buffer zone goes so far beyond what is reasonable or necessary to achieve that end.”
On PSPO, Putting Victims First states: “In keeping with the Government’s desire to devolve powers to local areas, the order would allow local authorities to make decisions without the burden of having to go through central Government.”

Photograph of pro-life protest distributed at Ealing Council meeting, 10 April 2018.
“Effective criminal justice can never be about giving more power with fewer checks and balances. It doesn’t work like that,” Appleton said. “The restrictions that exist for a very good reason, they guide authority down fair and rational lines of enforcement. Once you create a free for all you do not have better justice, you have complete chaos and that is what we have now.”
Under the Anti-Social Behaviour, Crime and Policing Act, interested parties only have six weeks to make an appeal to the High Court when a new PSPO is created and the appeal can only be made under the basis that the council did not have the authority to make the order or that they did not follow all the requirements when making the order. In addition, it can be enforced with on the spot fines, meaning people don’t have an opportunity to defend themselves in court.
Alina Dulgheriu, a pro-life advocate who says she was helped by protesters when she was pregnant, decided to fight the Ealing PSPO in the High Court. She believes the PSPO “is anti-choice because it removes the chance for women to get information about other help available to them”.
She lost the case in High Court and now has a Gofundme account to raise money for an appeal.
Appleton, who identified herself as pro-choice, said: “I think it is important that people who support free speech but who disagree with the protesters oppose these PSPOs because they’re making the point that it’s not about what you think about abortion, it’s what you think about freedom that counts and these PSPOs are a restriction on assembly and expression of view in a public place.”
Although both Mulvaney and Appleton recognise the problems with the act, their respective organisations don’t have the resources to effectively campaign against it.[/vc_column_text][/vc_column][/vc_row][vc_row][vc_column][vc_basic_grid post_type=”post” max_items=”4″ element_width=”6″ grid_id=”vc_gid:1534340349208-7fb1dab2-6b19-5″ taxonomies=”26321, 8883″][/vc_column][/vc_row]