Is academic freedom at risk in the UK?

Last week was a bad press week for Sheffield Hallam University after it was revealed they paused research into human rights abuses in Xinjiang because of a run-in with Beijing. Following research by Professor Laura Murphy on Uyghur forced labour, the university experienced threats against its China-based staff and blocked access in China. The university’s insurer pulled back and then university administrators barred her from continuing the work, at which stage Murphy threatened legal action for violation of academic freedom. The university has reversed its decision, albeit only after an unnecessary struggle. A shocking story for some, but not for us, and indeed the many other UK academics who came forward this week with similar stories.

People often ask me about “cancel culture” on campus. My usual response is: yes, it’s a problem but you know what’s also problematic and not talked about nearly as much? Chinese influence. We’ve been shouting about this for ages, and have dug deep via reports, follow-ups and panel discussions. As was the case with Sheffield Hallam, the influence is usually exerted through stick and carrot: the stick = harassment of students and staff, the carrot = access to China’s lucrative market. Given the growing number of Chinese students in the UK and the proliferation of UK joint institutes in China, we urgently need to address this problem. China is an incredibly important story. It can’t be airbrushed.

Questions about academic freedom aren’t confined to China-related issues or to cancel culture, as another academic freedom story from this week reminded us. This one concerns SOAS, who next June plan to host a conference by a group called Brismes, a well-respected UK-based organisation within the field of Middle Eastern studies. SOAS isn’t just renting a space to Brismes. They’ve issued the call for submissions on their own site too. As part of that call, participants are asked to declare whether their university is “built on captured land”. Several organisations that campaign for academic freedom have accused them of breaking free speech rules. They’re right to make the accusation. It’s a thinly veiled attempt to exclude Israeli and Israeli-Palestinian academics, who either might not support the framing or might find themselves in jeopardy if they do.

I have issue with compelled speech, as I’ve written about. It mirrors the tactics of authoritarian regimes, not open democracies. And in a university environment, it’s especially problematic. They should be about dialogue not dogma. Sadly such ideological purity tests (as one academic I spoke about this story called it) aren’t unique to SOAS or to this specific issue, which I reference to provide context not justification.

Of course there are usually other universities people can speak at, just as there might be other universities one can research China’s human rights abuses. But is that the point? Any university closing its doors to academics – whether out of fear of losing funding or because of demands for thought conformity – is bad, made all the worse because it’s part of a broader pattern.

Joint statement demands immediate release of Algerian Hirak poet Mohamed Tadjadit

Ahead of upcoming court dates on 11 and 30 November 2025, 20 leading Algerian, regional and international organisations reiterate their calls on the Algerian authorities to drop all charges and release poet and activist Mohamed Tadjadit and his 12 co-defendants.

Mohamed Tadjadit along with 12 other activists, six of whom are currently detained, two in exile and four who are free pending trial, are facing baseless terrorism-related and “conspiracy against the state” charges punishable by death as the maximum sanction possible. The persecution of Tadjadit is based on his poetry and peaceful activism, making his continued imprisonment a violation of his fundamental rights. His prosecution sends an alarming signal to others who raise their voices for human rights and the rule of law in Algeria.

Tadjadit has long faced judicial harassment for his involvement in the Hirak movement that erupted in February 2019 to oppose the 5th term of former President Abdelaziz Bouteflika. Although the President resigned, the protesters continued to demonstrate, calling for political reforms and stronger human rights protections, despite a swift and harsh crackdown by the authorities. The authorities imprisoned Tadjadit at least six times between 2019 and 2025, for his artistic expression and political activism. Judicial authorities are now accusing Tadjadit of terrorism and “conspiracy against the state” on the basis of his political activism expressed through his poetry.

After being released under a presidential pardon from a previous period of detention in November 2024, the authorities arrested him again two months later on politically motivated charges. Following an expedited trial hearing, a judge sentenced him to five years in prison, which was later reduced to one year on appeal.

Mohamed Tadjadit has been shortlisted for the Index on Censorship Freedom of Expression Awards in recognition of his courageous and creative commitment to civilian rule, human rights, and democratic accountability in Algeria. His continued persecution, as well as the imprisonment of other protesters and prisoners of conscience, is a serious breach of Algeria’s obligations to international human rights law. We will continue to follow developments in these proceedings.

Mohamed Tadjadit is a poet and activist and should not be in prison. We call for him to be released and for all charges to be dropped.

Signed by:
Index on Censorship
Freemuse
Justitia Center for the Legal Protection of Human Rights in Algeria
Riposte Internationale
Cairo Institute for Human Rights Studies (CIHRS)
MENA Rights Group
Liberté Algérie
Shoaa For Human Rights
La Confédération Syndicale des Forces Productives (COSYFOP)
International Federation for Human Rights (FIDH)
PEN America
ARC – Artists at Risk Connection
EuroMed Rights
Amnesty International
PEN International
Adala For All association (AFA)
La Fondation pour la promotion des droits
Comité des Familles des Disparus en Algérie (CFDA)
Comité de Sauvegarde de la Ligue Algérienne des Droits de l’Homme (CS-LADDH)
Committee for Justice (CFJ)

Une déclaration commune exige la libération immédiate du poète algérien Mohamed Tadjadit, membre du mouvement Hirak, qui risque la peine de mort avant son audience prévue le 11 novembre.

À l’approche des audiences prévues les 11 et 30 novembre 2025, 20 organisations algériennes, régionales et internationales de premier plan réitèrent leur appel aux autorités algériennes pour qu’elles abandonnent toutes les charges retenues contre le poète et militant Mohamed Tadjadit et ses 12 coaccusés, et les libèrent.

Mohamed Tadjadit et 12 autres militants, dont six sont actuellement détenus, deux en exil et quatre en liberté dans l’attente de leur procès, font l’objet d’accusations sans fondement liées au terrorisme et à un « complot contre l’État », passibles de la peine capitale. La persécution de M. Tadjadit est fondée sur ses poèmes et son activisme pacifique, ce qui fait du maintien de sa détention une violation de ses droits fondamentaux. Les poursuites engagées à son encontre envoient un signal d’alarme à tous ceux qui élèvent la voix pour défendre les droits humains et l’État de droit en Algérie.

Tadjadit fait depuis longtemps l’objet de poursuites judiciaires pour son implication dans le mouvement Hirak, qui a éclaté en février 2019 pour s’opposer au cinquième mandat de l’ancien président Abdelaziz Bouteflika. Bien que le président ait démissionné, les manifestants ont continué à manifester, réclamant des réformes politiques et une meilleure protection des droits humains, malgré une répression rapide et sévère de la part des autorités. Les autorités ont emprisonné Tadjadit au moins six fois entre 2019 et 2025, pour son expression artistique et son activisme politique. Les autorités judiciaires accusent
désormais Tadjadit de terrorisme et de « complot contre l’État » sur la base de son activisme politique exprimé à travers sa poésie.

Après avoir été libéré en novembre 2024 d’une précédente période de détention grâce à une grâce présidentielle , les autorités l’ont de nouveau arrêté deux mois plus tard pour des motifs politiques. À l’issue d’un procès accéléré, un juge l’a condamné à cinq ans de prison, peine qui a ensuite été réduite à un an après appel.

Mohamed Tadjadit a été sélectionné pour le prix Index on Censorship Freedom of Expression Awards en reconnaissance de son engagement courageux et créatif en faveur du régime civil, des droits humains et de la responsabilité démocratique en Algérie. La persécution dont il continue de faire l’objet, ainsi que l’emprisonnement d’autres manifestants et prisonniers d’opinion, constituent une violation grave des obligations de l’Algérie envers le droit international relatif aux droits humains. Nous continuerons à suivre l’évolution de cette affaire.

Mohamed Tadjadit est un poète et un militant qui ne devrait pas être en prison. Nous demandons sa libération et l’abandon de toutes les charges qui pèsent contre lui.

منظمات حقوقية تعلن تضامنها مع الشاعر محمد َت َجاِّديت المعتقل والذي يواجه حالًيا عقوبة اإلعدام
قبيل جلسات المحاكمة المقررة في 11 و30 نوفمبر، تجّدد 20 من المنظمات الجزائرية واإلقليمية والدولية الموقعة أدناه دعوتها
للسلطات الجزائرية بإسقاط جميع التهم واإلفراج عن الشاعر والناشط محمد َت َجاِّديت ورفاقه الـ12 المتهمين معه.
ناش ًط آخر )بينهم 6 رهن االحتجاز حالًيا، واثنان في المنفى، وأربعة أخلي سبيلهم على ذمة القضية(، يواجه َت َجاِّديت، إلى جانب 12 ا
تهما ال أساس لها تتعلق باإلرهاب و”التآمر ضد الدولة”، وهي تهم يعاقب عليها باإلعدام، وذلك على خلفية نشاطه السلمي وأشعاره. ً
انتها لحقوقه األساسية. كما تمثل محاكمته رسالة ترهيب لكل من يرفع صوته دفا ًعا عن حقوق ًك األمر الذي يجعل استمرار حبسه ا
اإلنسان والديمقراطية في الجزائر.
لطالما واجه َت َجاِّديت مالحقات قضائية بسبب انخراطه في حراك فبراير ،2019 الذي انطلق رف ًضا للوالية الخامسة للرئيس السابق
عبد العزيز بوتفليقة. ورغم استقالة الرئيس، واصل المحتجون تظاهراتهم مطالبين بإصالحات سياسية وضمانات أكبر لحقوق
اإلنسان، رغم القمع العنيف والمتواصل من قبل السلطات.
َت ما ال يقل عن 6 مرات بين عامي 2019 و2025 بسبب نشاطه الفني والسياسي. حالًيا, يواجه تجاديت تهًما ُسجن َجاِّديت
باإلرهاب و”التآمر ضد الدولة” بسبب نشاطه السياسي وأشعاره، تصل عقوبتها حد اإلعدام. وبعد شهرين فقط على إطالق سراحه
بعفو رئاسي من فترة احتجاز سابقة في نوفمبر ،2024 أعادت السلطات الجزائرية اعتقاله بتهم ذات دوافع سياسية. و في جلسة
محاكمة مستعجلة، ُحكم عليه بالسجن خمس سنوات، تم تخفيضها بعد االستئناف إلى سنة واحدة.
تم اختيار محمد تجاديت لجائزة “مؤشر الرقابة لحرية التعبير”.تقدي ًرا اللتزامه الشجاع والمبدع ودفاعه عن الحكم المدني وحقوق
فضالَ عن الزج بمحتجين وسياسيين اإلنسان والمساءلة والديمقراطية في الجزائر. إن استمرار المالحقات القضائية لتجاديت،
قا جسي ًما اللتزامات الجزائر بموجب القانون الدولي لحقوق اإلنسان. سنواصل متابعة تطورات

ونشطاء آخرين في السجون، ُيعّد خرً
هذه القضية .

َت شاعر وناشط، ال ينبغي أن يكون خلف القضبان. نطالب باإلفراج عنه وإسقاط جميع التهم الموجهة إليه، وسنواصل متابعة َجاِّديت
تطورات قضيته.

المنظمات الموقعة:
.1 إندكس على الرقابة
.2 فريميوز
.3 مركز جيستيسيا للحماية القانونية لحقوق اإلنسان في الجزائر
.4 منظمة التصدي الدولية
.5 مركز القاهرة لدراسات حقوق اإلنسان
نا لحقوق اإلنسان
.6 مّ
.7 ليبرتي الجزائر
.8 منظمة شعاع لحقوق اإلنسان الجزائر
.9 الكنفدرالية النقابية للقوى المنتجة الجزائر
.10 الفيدرالية الدولية لحقوق اإلنسان
.11 منظمة القلم األمريكي
.12 منظمة الفنانون المعرضون للخطر
.13 األورو-متوسطية للحقوق
.14 منظمة العفو الدولية
.15 منظمة القلم الدولية
.16 جمعية عدالة للجميع
.17 المؤسسة من أجل تعزيز الحقوق الجزائر
.18 جمعية تج ّمع عائالت المفقودين في الجزائر
.19 لجنة إنقاذ الرابطة الجزائرية للدفاع عن حقوق اإلنسان
.20لجنة العدالة

The week in free expression 31 October – 7 November

Bombarded with news from all angles every day, important stories can easily pass us by. To help you cut through the noise, every Friday Index publishes a weekly news roundup of some of the key stories covering censorship and free expression. This week, we look at journalists under threat in Sudan and a Russian street musician continuing to take a stand.

Sudan: RSF releases video of missing journalist

Sudan’s RSF (Rapid Support Forces) have released a video admitting to the detention of a missing journalist.

Muammar Ibrahim, a freelance journalist, went missing on 26 October in El-Fasher, with a video circulating on Telegram of him being surrounded by armed men.

Ibrahim was thought to have been detained by RSF fighters, a fact that was confirmed in a video released by the RSF on 3 November in which Ibrahim is accused of being biased, and himself states that the investigation against him is due to his description of the RSF as a militia.

The video follows a statement from an RSF spokesperson to Al-Jazeera in which he said: “I have no knowledge of the arrest of Sudanese journalist Muammar Ibrahim”

Bahrain: Calls for release of prisoner after hunger strike

Calls have been made for the release of a prominent human rights defender in Bahrain following a hunger strike.

Abdulhadi Al-Khawaja, co-founder of the Gulf Centre for Human Rights and the Bahrain Center for Human Rights, has been imprisoned in Bahrain since 2011 and is currently serving a life sentence for his involvement in demonstrations during the pro-democracy uprisings in the country.

This coincides with a wider hunger strike throughout Bahrain’s Jaw prison involving more than 90 prisoners who are protesting against deteriorating conditions in the prison. This type of protest is not uncommon in the prison, with 800 prisoners taking part in a 2023 hunger strike.

Russia: Another sentence for 18-year-old street protest singer

Russian street musician Diana Loginova, also known as Naoko, has been sentenced to 13 days in jail for her performances of banned songs that went viral recently.

Loginova is the singer of St Petersberg band Stoptime, known for their street performances around the city.

This is the second detention she has faced in the last month, having just finished her previous sentence of 13 days; the singer still faces charges of discrediting the army, a charge that may lead to longer imprisonment.

Watch the video of one of Stoptime’s performances that has caused these charges here. For non-Russian speakers, the translation is here.

Tanzania: Crackdown on protest after incumbent wins 98% of presidential vote

A violent crackdown has begun following country-wide demonstrations that erupted during last week’s presidential elections in Tanzania.

Opposition party Chadema claims there have been 2,000 people killed so far, however these numbers have not been independently verified. The government has denied the use of excessive force against protesters.

The demonstrations began on election day last week and led to the deployment of the military to enforce a curfew across the city of Dar es Salaam.

On 1 November Tanzania’s electoral body declared Samia Suluhu Hassan, the incumbent president, winner with 97.66% of votes. Most of her rivals were either imprisoned or barred from taking part in the elections.

Internet watchdog Netblocks announced on 3 November that a five-day internet shutdown had been eased.

USAI: Trump facsimile takes the stage

US President Donald Trump has been accused of posting AI-generated videos of himself on social media again this week.

Trump is no stranger to AI video generation at this point, becoming a regular poster of content such as a video depicting himself flying a fighter jet and images of himself as a character from the Halo video games.

As AI videos become more and more realistic, Trump’s use of the technology sets an alarming precedent for its use by politicians globally, with the risk of it being used against political enemies increasing daily.

Watch one of the uncanny videos here, in which the apparent AI Trump stands behind a podium and recites his own TruthSocial posts.

Breaking norms to survive in war-torn Yemen

On the outskirts of Sanaa, 28-year-old Badr Yaseen sits inside a four-square-metre salon. The interior wall is lined with full-length mirrors, and scissors, electric shavers, combs, and hair care products are neatly arranged on a cupboard and small shelves.

Yaseen greets each customer with confidence and warmth. Once they settle into the chair, he politely asks about their preferred haircut style before getting to work. As he cuts, he keeps up a friendly conversation, making the experience relaxed and personal.

Yaseen did not inherit his profession from his father or grandfather. He is the first in his family’s generation to take up this work. It has been a decision many in his family have called an act of “mutiny” against long-held traditions.

His brothers urged him to give up the job, and his uncles tried to dissuade him from continuing. Relatives frowned upon his choice, believing that Yaseen’s work as a barber “shames” the family. They all believe that this profession is only suitable for the “lower class”. Such beliefs run deep, woven into the fabric of social hierarchy and pride.

Yet Yaseen defied these norms. He has disregarded the opinions of his family, friends, and acquaintances. He has refused to bow to social censorship or the entrenched prejudices surrounding his choice.

In a country where a decade-long conflict has devastated the economy and wiped out countless jobs, Yaseen has prioritised survival over social status. Like him, many others have defied social norms and stereotypes, doing whatever they can to endure these harsh times.

“Not ‘wrong,’ not ‘obscene,’ not ‘immoral’.” These are the verbal bullets Yaseen fires back at anyone who criticises or disrespects him.

In Yemen, the law prohibits discrimination based on colour, origin or job. Despite that, discriminatory norms remain a prevalent plague in society.

Survival over status

Yaseen is classified as a tribesman. Married with four children, he was miserable when he was jobless two years ago, he recalls. Financial troubles darkened his life. He was willing to accept any job, except being a fighter for the war rivals in his country.

“I approached a salon owner and asked for work. He offered me a job, and I began as a barber,” Yaseen told Index.

When he started, he already had the know-how. “My brothers and close friends used to need a haircut, and I would do that. I did not do it for money. That is how I developed my skill.”

Yaseen was not planning to be a barber. It was just a favour or entertainment. Now, it is his money-making job.

“Had I been kept imprisoned by the social norms, my suffering would linger, and my children would starve. A barber is not a lower person. That is how hardships changed my mindset.”

Since 2015, a destructive civil war coupled with airstrikes has devastated Yemen, and it remains unresolved. Famine and food insecurity have prevailed, risking the lives of millions of people.

United Nations reports reveal that over 17 million people are going hungry in Yemen. This figure may rise to 18 million by February next year. Women and children are the most vulnerable.

With this bleak reality, Yaseen and countless of his like no longer disdain “lower class” jobs.

Yaseen has a friend named Nasser. Two months ago, Nasser shared his business idea with Yaseen: opening a chicken slaughterhouse. Although being a butcher is often considered a lower-class job among Yemenis, Nasser – himself a tribesman – doesn’t care about such judgments.

“Call him a butcher. That won’t cost him his life. Hunger and unemployment will,” Yaseen said with a serious tone.

The teacher-turned painter

Public employees in Yemen have not been immune from the economic consequences of the decade-long war. Those who were once proud of their job titles abandoned their careers and began entering fields they had never worked in before.

Before the war erupted in 2015, Yahia, 42, had been a passionate teacher in a government school in Sanaa. His passion died down and morale vanished as the war was prolonged. Salaries stopped coming as war rivals held one another responsible for paying public workers.

“I kept coming to the classroom for three years unpaid. I exhausted my savings and felt unprecedented financial pressure. I was compelled to take a U-turn in my professional life,” he told Index.

Over one million public employees have not been paid their regular salaries since September 2016. About 6.9 million people are estimated to live on that income.

In 2020, Yahia began working as a helper for a professional painter in Sanaa. Within six months, he learned enough about the job. Now, he considers himself as an “outstanding painter”.

Yahia feels no embarrassment when he puts on his paint-stained clothes and heads to work.

“I left the classroom and set aside the markers, picking up brushes and rollers instead. Surviving amid war is an accomplishment,” he said, his voice filled with gratitude.

The veiled seller in the qat market

The 2024 Humanitarian Response Plan for Yemen estimated that 18.2 million people required humanitarian assistance, including 4.2 million women and 4.8 million girls. But not every woman waits for assistance or surrenders to hunger.

Um Ahmed, 30, sits on the ground in a popular market in Sanaa selling bags of qat, a narcotic leaf ubiquitously consumed in Yemen. She begins at 11am and leaves at 2pm.

She places the qat bundles before and beside her. Customers stand or sit to pick and look at the product. Bargaining over the price begins. Eloquent and confident, she is a glib bargainer. Her face is veiled. Only her narrow eyes are visible.

Qat selling is dominated by men in Yemen. However, Um Ahmed and others of her like have tried it and fared well. Today, she does not fear what society thinks of her.

“When I started this work four years ago, few encouraged me and many found it weird. But the weird thing is to stay idle, starving to death,” Um Ahmed told Index.

She earns 5,000 Yemeni riyal ($20) a day. Her profit can increase or decrease.

“Today, I spend on myself and my three children and save some of my income. If I continued being ashamed of work and became obedient to unfair social norms, I would be a hungry loser,” she says.

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