14 May 2025 | Asia and Pacific, Burma, News and features, Volume 54.01 Spring 2025
This article first appeared in Volume 54, Issue 1 of our print edition of Index on Censorship, titled The forgotten patients: Lost voices in the global healthcare system, published on 11 April 2025. Read more about the issue here.
Four years ago, the military junta in Myanmar overthrew the government in a coup following a national election. While the liberal democratic National League for Democracy won by a landslide, the military alleged widespread fraud, justifying its seizure of power.
Tens of thousands of people took to the streets for mass protests, and the military responded with brutal violence.
Civil defence forces were formed in a huge movement of resistance, including by ethnic minority rebel groups that have fought with the government for decades. Violence has escalated, and the coup continues to claim the lives of thousands of civilians (a conservative estimate) and displace millions more.
In post-coup Myanmar, the internet has become a weapon and the military government has carried out hundreds of internet shutdowns and heavily censored social media in an effort to curb insurgency.
Before 2021, several peace organisations operated in the country, including those advocating for a gender-inclusive process to end the conflict between the government and ethnic armed groups. These include the Alliance for Gender Inclusion in the Peace Process (AGIPP), the Mon Women’s Network, and the Gender Equality Network.
But the websites for these organisations are now broken or no longer exist. The women who run them have had to shift their attention towards a more urgent fight to stop the widespread sexual and gendered violence being committed by the current regime while attempting to operate within a “digital dictatorship”, as labelled by UN human rights experts. Many of these women have fled their home country.
Unable to return to Myanmar, they have built remote digital activism movements, such as the Sisters2Sisters campaign – an online organisation working to build global solidarity for Myanmar’s women and orchestrate online campaigns from outside the country. This includes exposing mass sexual violence, often against ethnic minority women and girls, extrajudicial killings of young people, and violence towards other marginalised communities, such as LGBTQ+ groups.
Among the millions of young people who have left the country are Flora and Elle (not their real names), who fled from Myanmar to neighbouring Thailand in 2023. Both worked in gender and youth-focused resistance movements and now do advocacy work from abroad. In order to work within the confines of Myanmar’s censorship and Thailand’s amenability to the junta, they take refuge in pseudonyms, discreet meeting rooms and virtual private networks (VPNs). I spoke to them both over a joint call, secured via VPN.
Elle, from Sagaing Region, told Index: “Because of the fighting between the resistance forces and the military, the military shuts down the internet intentionally because they don’t want [news of] the killings or massacre to spread online.”
I first met Elle in Thailand at a meeting about gender-focused advocacy in Myanmar. I asked her about the countless organisations whose websites have been deleted or have stopped posting online.
“[This] is one of the major problems with organisations working on women’s rights [and human rights],” she said. “When we publish or announce cases, we have to be aware of the sensitivities of the data and [the danger of] publishing from official websites and social media.
“The Myanmar military has tracked down these posts. They don’t target every post but they have a team that specifically looks at data and news from [these] organisations – and if it’s within their reach, the [organising] in that township will be shut down.”
Flora comes from Kayin State, a district largely populated by Kayin people (also known as Karen people) – an ethnic minority group that has become a hub for the resistance movement and has been targeted by the military since 2021. She herself is Kayin.
“As active [resistance organisation] members, we face a lot of difficulties and challenges,” she said. “Because of the internet shutdowns, we don’t have internet access, and … the military banned VPNs.”
In January this year, the junta passed the Cybersecurity Law which, it claims, aims to “protect and safeguard the sovereignty and stability of the nation from being harmed by cyberthreats, cyberattacks or cyber misuse through the application of electronic technologies”.
Within the wide-reaching law is an official ban on unauthorised use of VPNs, with a prison sentence of up to six months and a fine if someone is found with one on their device.
“This impacts every organisation that has supported democracy,” Flora explained. “If we use a VPN and they find it on our phones, they will arrest and prosecute us.”
Digital access has been a crucial part of the resistance movement, and organisers and protesters have been targeted for digital communications since the February 2021 coup, leading to arrests and shutdowns.
“Look at history,” said Flora. “In 1988, there was no internet and information was locked down. We didn’t know what really happened on the ground so it was easy for the government to control information.”
That was the year of the 8888 Revolution, which saw youth-led resistance to the government and nationwide protests in support of democracy and human rights. A violent response saw more than 3,000 people killed (with particular cruelty inflicted on ethnic minorities such as the Kayin) and hundreds of thousands displaced. The similarities between today and 1988 show how Myanmar has both a turbulent past and a longstanding legacy of community action.
But Flora said there was a difference between then and now. “Since the beginning, the military has tried to control the internet but the young generations know the effects of technology,” she said. “We have VPNs and we have strategies to continue our activities. Youth groups spread knowledge about democracy even with the military trying to cut the internet.”
Pro-democracy groups organise largely through encrypted online platforms such as Signal, using VPNs and burner phones. They gain information on the crimes of the junta against civilians, which includes mass rape and forcing women to become domestic labourers when their husbands have been killed or sent to war.
Platforms such as Sisters2Sisters also continue to publish these crimes and call for the international community to take action.
There is another unexpected way that Myanmar’s citizens can continue to communicate freely with the outside world – by using Starlink, the global satellite internet system owned by Elon Musk’s SpaceX.
The system is not licensed in Myanmar, but illegal services still operate and Elle and Flora use it to talk to their families back home.
“It’s the only way, so there are secret shops for locals – our families go to these shops to call us,” said Elle.
In Thailand, safe spaces in Bangkok offer hubs for exiled female activists to reconvene, holding inter-ethnic dialogues and combining the efforts of groups that were previously divided on lines of ethnicity and religion. These conversations, along with communication with groups within Myanmar, have helped to consolidate organising efforts into mass insurgencies of rebel fighters who are continuing to gain ground in Myanmar’s jungles.
Digital organising is key to gaining international awareness, and Elle has been working hard to get multilateral bodies to recognise and act on the atrocities.
“No matter how much we are trying to support the rights of women and LGBTQ+ communities, we need support from the international community,” she said. Even though the UN has a special mission to Myanmar, Western governments have shown relatively little outrage at the ongoing abuses, and there has been very little military aid for resistance forces.
For campaigners such as Flora and Elle, their activism represents more than a political stance – it’s a deeply personal pursuit, with their livelihoods and the safety of their families hinging on it. Their work is fuelled by the hope that by exposing the junta’s crimes and continuing to grow insurgency movements, it will pressure global leaders to act and the junta’s rule will be shortened.
But even though they are no longer in the country, the new Cybersecurity Law shows that they are increasingly under threat.
“We will be prosecuted because we are working on human rights,” said Flora. “If [you] share information against the military, you are criminalised. I am so worried about this. Even if we are outside Myanmar, the law applies to every Myanmar citizen. I am really worried about our activities because access to information is so important.”
When asked if they could safely return to Myanmar to visit their families, both of them give painful laughs. “In Myanmar, everyone has a list of criminal charges. If they want to arrest you, they will always have a reason to do so,” said Elle.
Within the sanctuary of (relative) freedom in Thailand, Flora and Elle are continuing their movement online.
“We need to know what is happening in Myanmar,” said Elle. “Right now, every youth and woman is living in fear because [the junta] restricted the internet … to cover [up] all the injustices.”
13 May 2025 | Americas, Canada, Europe and Central Asia, News and features, Statements, United Kingdom, United States
Margaret Atwood has won the prestigious Freedom to Publish award at the British Book Awards 2025, as announced at a gala last night held in central London. A long-time Index contributor, Atwood is known for her tireless support of freedom of speech. Today – an era marked by the rollback of women’s rights, the global rise of populism, and increasing threats to diversity, freedom of thought and expression, which can and often does manifest in the banning of books – her voice resonates with a clarity and urgency that is both profound and timely.
In a video acceptance speech, Atwood said: “I cannot remember a time during my own life, when words themselves felt under such threat. Political and religious polarisation, which appeared to be on the wane for parts of the 20th century, has increased alarmingly in the past decade. The world feels to me more like the 1930s and 40s at present than it has in the intervening 80 years.
“I have worked as a writer and in my youth in small press publishing for 60 odd years. Those years included the Soviet Union, when Samizdat was a dangerous method of publishing. Hand-produced manuscripts were secretly circulated, and bad luck for you if you were caught. [They now include] the recent spate of censorship and book banning, not only in the oppressive countries around the world, but also in the United States. [They also include] the attempt to expel from universities anyone who disagrees with the dogmas of their would-be controllers.
“This kind of sentiment is not confined to one extremism or the other – the so-called ‘left’ or the so-called ‘right’. All extremisms share the desire to erase their opponents, to stifle any creative expression that is not propaganda for themselves, and to shut down dialogue. They don’t want a dialogue, they want a monologue. They don’t want many voices, they want only one.”
Atwood ended her speech wishing publishers “strength and hope”, adding: “In a free world publishers and booksellers stand for the many. If free governments and the free human intelligence are to survive, the guardians and transmitters of words in all their multiplicity must be brave. I wish you strength and hope, and the courage to withstand the mobs on one hand and the whims of vengeful potentates on the other.”
Channel 4 News’s international editor Lindsey Hilsum, who presented the award to Atwood, said: “When I first read The Handmaid’s Tale I thought it was a dystopian fantasy. Then I learnt that every idea was based on evidence of how women have been oppressed – it was fiction, but not really. The book was in itself an act of resistance, just one example of how Margaret Atwood has always stood at the forefront of the literary world as a tireless advocate for reading as a form of rebellion. Using her powerful voice and her fame, she has consistently championed justice, fairness, and freedom of speech – principles that feel more vital today than ever before.”
The British Book Awards has been the leading awards for the UK book trade since they began in 1990. The Freedom to Publish Award, which is presented in partnership with Index, has been running for four years. It pays tribute to the remarkable efforts of the individual in defending free expression and the freedom to read, write and publish, while also shining a spotlight on the growing and concerning trend of censorship within the global literary community. Previous recipients include Georgian-Russian author Boris Akunin, who is the most banned writer in Russia since Soviet times and Booker Prize-winning novelist Salman Rushdie, while in 2022 the award recognised the fortitude and bravery of HarperCollins and its editor Arabella Pike when facing legal threats (SLAPPs). Atwood is a long-time supporter of Index, a patron of the organisation and a contributor to the magazine. In the USA, her book The Handmaid’s Tale frequently appears in the top 10 most banned books from school libraries.
Jemimah Steinfeld, CEO at Index, said of choosing Atwood: “Censorship is on the rise around the world and where do censors so often begin? With culture. Yet there are voices that have consistently stood firm in defence of free expression. One of the most powerful of them is Margaret Atwood. Atwood has long used her extraordinary talent and global platform to champion this fundamental right. Whether through her writing, her public advocacy or acts of bold creativity – like the unburnable edition of The Handmaid’s Tale – she confronts repression not with fear but with wit and clarity. I can think of no more deserving a recipient of the Freedom to Publish award this year than her. Atwood has shown, time and again, that imagination remains one of our most potent tools against small-mindedness.”
Philip Jones, editor of The Bookseller and chair of judges at The British Book Awards, added: “Books are the visible representation of the values we hold dear – freedom of thought, freedom of expression, and freedom from authoritarianism. From east to west, our writers are now challenged, coerced and threatened in ways we thought were being consigned to history. Margaret Atwood and her books stand against that, and we are delighted she has accepted this award at a ceremony that has felt steeped in the politics of the times.”
Many books recognised at the British Book Awards 2025 reflected the urgency of political challenges faced today in the minds of both writers and readers. US novelist and recent Pulitzer Prize winner Percival Everett won the Fiction Book of the Year and Author of the Year for James, Everett’s bold reimagining of Huckleberry Finn. Meanwhile Patriot by the late Russian opposition leader Alexei Navalny was chosen by judges as Overall Book of the Year and was accepted by Navalny’s widow Julia Navalnya. She said:
“This book was never meant to be published after Alexei’s death, Alexei wrote it with all the strength, wit and honesty that defined him. He wrote in secret from a prison cell under the most brutal conditions with no access to books, to the internet, to anything but his own memory and will. And yet he created a manuscript that speaks with clarity and conviction not only about Russia, but about freedom, justice and what it means to remain human. After he was killed, publishing this book became more than a responsibility – it became a mission. I worked closely with his editors and friends to preserve every word, every sentence, just as he intended.
“I’m profoundly grateful for the compassion and solidarity with which readers around the world have embraced it. Receiving this award from across the book community is a powerful recognition of the strength of Alexei’s voice. It tells us that truth still matters, that integrity matters, that words can break through even the hardest walls and reach hearts everywhere.”
Navalnya added that “Patriot is not just the story of one man’s life. It’s a book about love, truth, and the unshakable belief that Russia can be free.”
13 May 2025 | Asia and Pacific, India, News and features, Newsletters, Pakistan
A crisis is often seized as an opportunity, especially by those eager to silence dissent – and no more so than in Narendra Modi’s India. Following the deadliest civilian incident in Kashmir in decades, the government has rolled out a coordinated campaign of information control. The Ministry of External Affairs has contacted global news outlets including the BBC, Reuters and the Associated Press, criticising them for using the word “militant” rather than “terrorist” in their coverage. Social media accounts of major Pakistani and Kashmiri news organisations have been blocked, including 8,000 accounts on X, and dozens of Pakistani YouTube channels. Meanwhile, dissenting voices are being targeted under sweeping legal charges. This week alone, the police filed cases against folk singer Neha Singh Rathore and university professor Madri Kakoti, accusing them of “endangering the sovereignty, unity and integrity of India” over posts critical of the government’s response.
Such suppression is far from new for those living in Modi’s India, as we highlighted two years ago in our magazine issue devoted to the country. It’s worse still for the residents of Kashmir. Since 2019, when the Indian government revoked the special autonomous status granted to Jammu and Kashmir under Article 370 of the Indian constitution, censorship and surveillance have become rife. Journalists from Kashmir have frequently written for us about internet blackouts, media bans and a broader clampdown on dissent. It’s been a grinding war on free expression that rarely garners global headlines.
Now, with tensions at a new high, that suppression is intensifying. A correspondent on the ground described a bleak reality to me this week. In the aftermath of the Pahalgam attack last month, which left 25 Indians and one Nepali national dead, thousands of Kashmiris have reportedly been detained, accused of being “overground workers”, a term often used vaguely to suggest militant affiliation. Civilians face beatings for being out after dark. Perhaps most alarming is the growing call from prominent Indian figures for a vengeful response against both Kashmiris and Muslims in line with Israel’s ongoing war on Gaza.
The rhetoric has dire consequences. Prominent Kashmiri journalist Hilal Mir was recently arrested on what sources close to him describe as a trumped-up charge. Authorities allege he was “actively engaged in posting and sharing content aimed at inciting sentiments among young minds and instigating secessionist sentiment by portraying Kashmiris as victims of systemic extermination.” In another instance the body of Imtiaz Ahmad Magray, 23, was found shortly after he was detained, after he reportedly jumped into a river trying to escape. According to police he had confessed to being an overground worker. His family refute such claims.
When asked if Modi’s government is using this crisis to crack down on dissent, the response from the correspondent I’m in touch with was blunt: “Without a doubt.”
12 May 2025 | Europe and Central Asia, News and features, Turkey
Young people in Turkey have a lot to feel enraged about, from worsening living conditions to the government’s rampant corruption. Since 2015, I have felt my own fair share of rage.
That was the year my father, Can Dündar, a journalist and former editor-in-chief of the opposition daily newspaper Cumhuriyet, was imprisoned on trumped up terror charges.
Pro-government press outlets told lies about him and our family, and prosecutors sought multiple life sentences for his “crime” of reporting on covert arms shipments to Syria. Although he was released nearly 100 days later thanks to public solidarity and a Supreme Court decision, my family was eventually forced into exile, with my parents now living in Germany and myself in the UK.
My father likens Recep Tayyip Erdoğan’s tactics to those of Vladimir Putin and multiple other global dictators. “Arrest the opposition, weaponise the judiciary, silence the media, spread fear and disinformation, protect your throne,” he has told me.
Now, ten years later, I have hardly been able to sleep since youth-led protests erupted across Turkey last month following the arrest of Istanbul’s mayor and President Erdoğan’s main rival, Ekrem İmamoğlu. He has been sent to Silivri Prison (also known as Marmara), the same jail my father was imprisoned in.
Once again, this represents a devastating attack on Turkey’s democratic rights and freedom of speech. I’ve been following reports from the handful of independent media that are still operating. According to Reporters Without Borders (RSF), 90% of the media in Turkey is now under government control, which has allowed pro-government disinformation to run riot.
After 22 years in power, Erdoğan’s regime has left the economy in ruins, corrupted institutions, and suppressed basic rights. Since 2016, close to 150 local mayors have been dismissed or detained, and replaced with government-appointed bureaucrats. Leaders from three major political parties are now in prison. İmamoğlu and 91 elected officials from the Istanbul Mayor’s office face false corruption charges. It’s a mockery of justice – especially as so much of the ruling party’s corruption avoids scrutiny, and journalists, lawyers and anyone else who draws attention to the government are prosecuted.
Whilst protests continue despite blanket bans in major cities, digital censorship is rife as social media networks have been stifled by low bandwidth. X complied with government requests to shut down hundreds of accounts; TV news coverage has been cut and channels have been threatened with the cancellation of their licences. Meanwhile, 1,133 protestors have been arrested, with many beaten and detained. More than 300 of those arrested are students, and face potential jail sentences and a ban from ever running for political office, not to mention missing their studies. Footage of police brutality continues to fill my social media feeds – crowds of young people beaten and wounded, or shot with tear gas and rubber bullets, some directly in the eye.
The student demonstrations in İstanbul have ignited mass protests in nearly all Turkish cities. Young people have united across ideological and economic divides and catalysed a fractured political opposition into action, symbolised by the chant, “No liberation alone, all of us or none”. At one rally, Özgür Özel, the leader of the main political opposition the Republican People’s Party (CHP), thanked young people for ignoring his caution and taking the lead. A young man was pictured carrying his father on his back to the polls that had been set up to support the detained Istanbul mayor’s candidacy as a presidential candidate against Erdoğan; 15 million people turned out to vote for him in a day.
The spirit of solidarity continues to grow against increasing cruelty. Mothers who have spoken out for their children’s arrest have been detained themselves. Teachers supporting their students’ rights have been sacked, and students at hundreds of high schools have organised sit-ins to show solidarity with them. Thanks to the mobilisation, nearly half of the young people arrested have been released but 48 remain in prison. The political opposition has organised a nationwide boycott of pro-government businesses, and people have been detained for promoting it.
But people continue to show dissent. The CHP holds weekly peaceful gatherings across different cities and municipalities of Istanbul to keep the momentum going. The government recently blocked the access of spotlights to one major gathering in the Beyazıt district. Thousands of people pulled up their phone’s flashlights instead, defying the darkness and lighting up the town square and each other’s faces.
Despite digital censorship, the internet is also being used as a convening space. The Istanbul mayor’s account is currently banned from posting on X, so supporters have reacted by changing their profile photos to his, sprouting countless İmamoğlu accounts across the platform. When X started shutting these down for “likeness” complaints, they got creative by making alternative, hilarious versions of his photo instead. A whack-a-mole scenario has unfolded where every act of oppression creates its own act of resistance.
Today, one in four people aged 15 to 24 in Turkey is neither working nor in school. Youth unemployment has hit a record high in the country. Gallup’s Global Emotions Report conducted across 116 countries found that Turkey scored near the bottom of its rankings for “positive experiences” in 2024, as it has done since 2020, with high levels of unhappiness and anger. This social environment has no doubt fueled the protests.
A tweet from author, editor and teacher Taner Beyter sums it up: “Young friends, we have nothing to lose. We won’t be able to buy a car or a house. We won’t have stocks. Even if we succeed in the exams, we’ll be singled out in interviews. If we are taken to court, we don’t have ‘our guy’ to bail us out. We won’t get rich in this corrupt economy. Let’s carry on resisting against those stealing our future.”
For many Turkish youths, this is their first protest movement against a government they’ve only ever known as Erdoğan’s – just as mine was during the 2013 Gezi Park protests, a wave of demonstrations that began with the demolition of Istanbul’s Gezi Park. It quickly sparked into a movement against mounting injustices. At their core, both movements have their roots in inequality and crackdowns on free expression, and have been driven by a hope for change.
The millions who came out to the streets during the Gezi Park protests have since been separated and many were individually targeted. Once the crowds dissipated, no longer linked arm-in-arm, people were easier to subdue and prosecute with chilling effects.
But decades of crackdowns have failed to silence young people in Turkey. A photo on my X feed shows a poster raised by a young protester. Under the names of those who were killed during Gezi Park, a note reads: “I was nine years old then when my brothers stood up for me. I may have missed meeting them, but they’ve all gained a place in me. I promise I won’t let this be.”
There’s hope in collective reaction. Youth movements propel frustrations into action, catalysing a fractured opposition to work together for common goals. Established political parties may struggle to meet their demands at first, but they are slowly being shaped by them and changing their approach.
Around the world, young dissidents are speaking out to demand a better future in the face of mounting challenges from inequality to global conflict, state corruption to environmental decline.
Still, pressures against them are mounting. Their legitimate demands are being criminalised across the world from Iran to Palestine, USA to Belarus, Serbia to Myanmar, and more.
This is why at PEN International, the world’s largest association of writers, we’re building a youth network called the Young Writers Committee with representatives from 58 countries. We launched our web platform Tomorrow Club last week along with a podcast series, to amplify the stories of brave young people from around the world, and to create spaces for them to collaborate, learn about each other’s lives and struggles, and discuss how to cope with them.
It’s clear to see the shared experience across borders. We are all suffering from a shrinking space for free expression, and we want to uplift each other, exchange tools and tales, and establish supportive links for a shared future.
There is a common pride in the word “youth”. Although it paints a massively diverse group with a single brush, it can also help us come together against urgent challenges.
Cihan Tugal, a sociology professor at Berkeley University in California, USA, recently noted: “When Erdoğan fights for himself, he is also fighting for Trump, [Narendra] Modi, [Javier] Milei and Orbán, even if their interests do not always align. When the students and others in the street struggle against Erdoğan, they are also fighting for the rest of the world.”
That type of togetherness is demonstrated by young people protesting in Turkey and other countries. We should support and empower them to keep going. Their strong stance for justice and a better, fairer future can bring together fractured masses and pave the way against rising tides of authoritarianism.
