Beijing is punishing Japan – and its own young people – by pulling the plug on pop concerts

As the chief executive of Index, it’ll be of no surprise to anyone that I’ve attended my share of protests. What may be more surprising is that the largest of them all, by a long way, was in Beijing. In late summer 2012, nationalist fury against Japan erupted over the disputed ownership of islands off Taiwan’s coast.

Japanese restaurants and cars were vandalised, Chinese flags adorned offices, and central Beijing filled with thousands – perhaps hundreds of thousands – of protesters outside the Japanese Embassy. I found myself on the outskirts of the protest, mesmerised. For the record, I wasn’t participating, merely passing through.

Such unrest might seem curious in a nation where the government tightly controls dissent, but these demonstrations were not only permitted, they were actively encouraged. Apparently, attendees were bussed in from neighbouring regions, given free transport and daily allowances.

Anti-Japanese sentiment is never far away in China. Switch on the TV and you’ll likely come across a show about Japanese atrocities during World War II or something similar, as I reported here. And in 2012, such sentiment was politically expedient. Authorities weaponised it to divert attention from domestic grievances.

It’s a different story today. There are no mass street protests to be seen, even though tensions have once again flared between China and Japan. Last month, Japanese Prime Minister Sanae Takaichi said that a Chinese naval blockade of Taiwan could pose an existential threat to Japan and justify a military response. The comments enraged many in China. But these days the Chinese economy is too fragile to risk unrest spiralling. Leaders need only recall how the 2022 Urumchi fire protests rapidly morphed into nationwide criticism of Beijing’s rule, to fear their effects.

Still, Beijing is punishing Japan for Takaichi’s words. They’ve asked her to retract them and she’s refused, so now the knives are out. The “wolf warriors” have re-emerged, spouting anti-Japan vitriol online. Major Chinese travel companies have stopped selling tours to Japan. Screenings of Japanese films have been paused, cultural exchange events cancelled. Perhaps the most dramatic retaliation has been against Japanese singers. Multiple concerts have been shut down. In Shanghai last Friday, Maki Otsuki, best known for singing the theme tune to the Japanese anime series One Piece, had the lights and sound cut mid-performance. A video shows her stunned as staff remove her microphone and lead her offstage. The following night, pop icon Ayumi Hamasaki posted an apology to fans after her show was axed minutes before it was due to begin. She shared photos of herself and her dancers performing in an empty venue (see photo above). Other organisers report similar cancellations.

The throngs of young Chinese who are big fans of Japanese culture feel put out and have taken to social media to say as much. They can see that a Japanese politician shouldn’t have to parrot Beijing lines in order for musicians to finish a concert in the country. Though who knows where that rage will go?

The so-called trial of Jimmy Lai

The Jimmy Lai trial wrapped up last week, without a verdict. When this will come is anyone’s guess. One of the three judges, Esther Toh, said it would be announced “in good time”.

For a man who has been wrongly imprisoned for more than 1,700 days, is in his late 70s, and has serious health conditions, “in good time” is gratingly noncommittal. Of course it’s likely intentional, a way to further punish him and his family. But there’s more to it. When it comes to Lai language has always been used to obfuscate, frustrate and discredit. Hong Kong authorities, the CCP and their allies frequently twist words, calling him and his supporters traitors and other slurs. They can be bold in their denigrations – and they can be seemingly subtle.

“I’ve lost count of the number of times the Chinese / Hong Kong authorities or CCP State media have called me a “so-called human rights lawyer” leading a “so-called legal team.”,” said one of Lai’s lawyers, Caoilfhionn Gallagher KC, this week on X. Gallagher made this comment following the release of a new report, titled “The Use of ‘So-called’ as a Propaganda Device in China”. By academics Linette Lim and Alexander Dukalsis (the latter an Index contributor), it looks at how China’s state-run media increasingly use inverted commas and the words so-called when talking about an idea or person that they wish to discredit.

It’s not a new trend nor is it unique to China, as the authors note (Nazi Germany and the Soviet Union used these linguistic tools too). Still, it’s growing in use there. Articles on Taiwan and Hong Kong will typically employ such language, as do ones on the USA. In fact the authors were struck by how many articles tried to delegitimise the USA and believe it’s “partly in response to more hawkish US policy towards China in recent years and partly accelerated by Xi Jinping’s increased domestic control and repression”.

The report is a helpful addition when considering how information is controlled under Xi Jinping, as was James Palmer’s piece in Foreign Policy last week labelled “A guide to Censorship in China”, which was based on his many years living and working there. In it Palmer describes the censorship machine as “messy”. While people can cover most sensitive topics in China, and Palmer says it’s relatively uncommon for authorities to outright refuse to publish something, the process is unpredictable, exhausting, artistically damaging and at times high stakes, putting many off. “In better times, publishers are willing to take risks, but those better times are a long way away,” wrote Palmer.

Better times do sadly feel very distant, though I’d imagine if pressed the CCP would say they’ll arrive “in good time”.

The week in free expression: 9 August – 15 August 2025

Bombarded with news from all angles every day, important stories can easily pass us by. To help you cut through the noise, every Friday Index publishes a weekly news roundup of some of the key stories covering censorship and free expression. This week, we look at the targeted killing of four Al Jazeera journalists in Gaza, and the arrest of hundreds of protesters in the UK.

A targeted strike: Five Palestinian journalists killed by Israeli missile in Gaza

Four Palestinian journalists working for Al Jazeera, as three other media workers, were killed in a targeted Israeli strike on 10 August, bringing the total number killed in Gaza to at least 184 journalists since 2023 according to the Committee to Protect Journalists (CPJ)

Anas al-Sharif, one of Al Jazeera’s most prominent reporters on the conflict in Gaza, was one of those killed in the strike. Having consistently reported on the ground since 7 October 2023, al-Sharif was subject to numerous death threats online. Israeli officials have repeatedly made unverified claims that al-Sharif was the leader of a Hamas terrorist cell, claims vigorously denied  by Al Jazeera, the CPJ and others. The IDF gave this as justification for the targeted strike on al-Sharif’s location, however no such justification was given regarding the lives of the others killed.

With foreign journalists banned from entering the Gaza strip, the only reporting from the ground is coming from Palestinian journalists.

Spare no protestor: More than 500 demonstrators arrested in one day for supporting Palestine Action

A demonstration in London’s Parliament Square in support of proscribed group Palestine Action saw 522 arrested on suspicion of breaking terrorism laws in one day – more than doubling the amount arrested on these terms in the entirety of 2024.

Taking place on Saturday 10 August, the demonstration organised by Defend Our Juries asked participants to hold up signs or placards stating “I oppose genocide. I support Palestine Action.” Such a statement is a criminal offence, as the UK government banned Palestine Action under anti-terrorism laws after two members of the group broke into RAF Brize Norton airbase and defaced aircraft.

An age breakdown by the Metropolitan Police revealed that of those protesters arrested who could have their ages verified, 49.9% were over the age of 60, with nearly 100 being in their seventies. Over 700 people have been arrested for supporting Palestine Action since its proscription, bringing widespread condemnation. UN human rights chief Volker Türk, argued that the proscription was an “impermissible restriction” on freedom of expression, while former cabinet minister Lord Peter Hain said the government were “digging themselves into a hole” by proscribing Palestine Action.

Gang violence: Two journalists attacked, one killed, while investigating gang activity

Two journalists were violently attacked on consecutive days while investigating gang activity in the city of Gazipur, Bangladesh, with one of the journalists being killed in the assault.

Reporter Anwar Hossain, 35, was interviewing rickshaw drivers about allegations of extortion on 6 August when he was brutally attacked by seven to eight men in broad daylight, one of whom repeatedly beat Hossain with a brick, injuring him severely. A video of the assault went viral on social media, with police seen nearby taking no immediate action. The following day, journalist Asaduzzaman Tuhin, 38, was filming armed men chasing a young man through a market, when the men turned on him and hacked him to death with machetes.

Following the death of Tuhin, five people have been arrested in connection with his murder. Attacks against journalists for their reporting have become more common in recent months in Bangladesh – in July, journalist Khandaker Shah Alam was assaulted in retaliation for reporting on a case that landed the assailant in jail. He later died of his injuries.

Art under attack: Pieces removed from Bangkok gallery under pressure from China

An art gallery in Bangkok has been forced to remove or alter a number of works by Hong Kong, Tibetan and Uyghur artists, following a visit from Chinese embassy officials.

The exhibition, titled Constellation of Complicity: Visualising the Global Machinery of Authoritarian Solidarity, was curated by the Myanmar Peace Museum, and aimed to lay out the interconnected nature of authoritarian regimes such as China, Russia and Iran. Held at The Bangkok Art & Culture Centre, the exhibition opened on 24 July – but just three days later, Chinese embassy officials alongside Bangkok city officials “entered the exhibition and demanded its shutdown”, according to the co-curator of the exhibition.

The gallery was reportedly warned that the exhibit “may risk creating diplomatic tensions between Thailand and China”. Under this pressure, they removed a number of works, including a multimedia installation by a Tibetan artist, and censored many more – removing the words “Hong Kong”, “Uyghur” and “Tibet” from artworks, redacting artists’ names, and taking down any content featuring Chinese president Xi Jinping. They also insisted that the gallery enforce the “One China policy” that iterates that the People’s Republic of China is the only government representing all of China, including the self-governed island of Taiwan.

A long struggle: Colombian presidential hopeful dies two months after being shot

Two months after he was shot at a campaign rally in Bogotá, Colombian senator and presidential candidate Miguel Uribe has died in hospital from his injuries, his wife has confirmed.

Uribe was shot twice in the head and once in the leg at the rally on Saturday 7 June. Colombian President Gustavo Petro launched an investigation into the incident as it was revealed that Uribe’s protection team had been reduced from seven to three people on the day of the attack for unknown reasons. The alleged gunman, a 15-year-old boy, was among six individuals arrested regarding the murder – the boy reportedly stated he acted “for money, for my family”.

Uribe was a member of the right-wing Democratic Centre party. He stated his inspiration for running for public office was his mother, journalist Diana Turbay, who was herself kidnapped and killed by a gang alliance in 1991 over her reporting. Uribe’s death brings back unwanted memories of a nation that was fraught with gang violence.

Film censorship risks emboldening those who threaten violence

For more than 20 years, Stanley Kubrick’s adaptation of Anthony Burgess’s classic novel, A Clockwork Orange, was banned from cinemas in the UK.

Kubrick was known for his shocking and crass, but altogether original, forays into directing. His interpretation of Burgess’s novel was considered exceptionally scandalous for its depictions of sexual and physical violence. But it wasn’t public outrage that triggered its banning – the director himself pulled the film from circulation in 1973, over concerns about reports of copycat violence and threats to both his and his family’s safety. It wasn’t until 1999, after Kubrick’s death, that his family agreed to permit the release of the film again.

This censorship happened despite no legal requirements – the British Board of Film Classification (BBFC) judged the film to be acceptable for adults over the age of 18, and at no point rescinded this. There were legitimate concerns about violence resulting from the film, which should not be underestimated – but the decision did also result in the censorship of one of the most seminal pieces of film and literature of the 20th century, which ironically is, in itself, about the concept of free will.

This example may feel like a relic of a simpler time – we could argue that the internet has desensitised us to violence, and individuals are far more likely to be radicalised by unfettered scrolling on their phone rather than a visit to the cinema. But films of artistic and newsworthy importance are still being censored globally, for fears of the real-world repercussions.

This week, the London Film Festival cancelled its screening of a new investigative documentary on the UK’s far right over safety concerns for festival staff and attendees – particularly in response to the violent riots that took place over the summer. Undercover: Exposing the Far Right is a brave feat of journalism produced by the anti-fascist advocacy group Hope Not Hate. While it is available to watch on Channel 4, it lost its initial impact of a premiere.

Kristy Matheson, the director of the festival, said the decision to cancel was “heartbreaking” but that she had been left with no other viable option. “I think the film is exceptional and easily one of the best documentaries I have seen this year,” she said. “However, festival workers have the right to feel safe and that their mental health and well being is respected in their workplace.”

Outside of the UK, screenings of another documentary film were recently cancelled in Taiwan following bomb threats. Some cinemas subsequently halted showings of State Organs – a controversial film that reports on alleged cases of forced organ harvesting in China – after they received threatening letters, which the Taiwan police say are likely the work of Chinese cybersecurity forces.

Threats of violence appear to have become a routine way to silence artistic, political or journalistic expression. Concerns around such real-world threats are extremely valid, with historical examples such as the awful murders of the MPs Jo Cox and David Amess proving this.

But the risk of giving into such threats can be to further embolden radical groups, make their voices more powerful, and stop them being held to account. “Safety must always be an utmost priority,” said Nick Lowles, CEO at Hope not Hate, of the Undercover screening cancellation. “But we can’t deny that it is disappointing to see the brave work of our staff being denied the widest possible audience. Now, more than ever, the true nature of the far right, in Britain and abroad, needs to be exposed.”

There is also the worry that issues of safety or national security may be used as an excuse to avoid contentious films that invite public scrutiny. This year, both Israeli and Palestinian film events have faced screening cancellations due to what theatres have cited as “safety concerns” or worries around appearing politically biased – but in reality, have been partly influenced by lobbying from groups on both sides. Film-makers are not responsible for their governments’ actions, said Odelia Haroush, the co-founder of the Israeli Seret Film Festival. Referring to cinemas and theatres, she said: “Their role should be to show films and culture, and not cancel culture. Especially now; don’t cancel Palestinian culture, Russian culture, Ukrainian culture, or Israeli culture.”

All of this is not to blame the already financially-stretched creative industries, which do not need the added stress of potentially violent attacks or protests. Extensive security measures and staff training are often additional expenses they cannot afford, and therefore, many event organisers decide that the risks of free expression far outweigh the benefits.

People’s safety must always be paramount, and there is no justification for favouring a film screening over individuals’ lives. But there is a concern that restricting people’s viewing access – whether that be to vital information or cultural enrichment – out of fear may only embolden those wishing to silence others’ through violence.

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