The week in free expression: 17–23 May 2025

In the age of online information, it can feel harder than ever to stay informed. As we get bombarded with news from all angles, important stories can easily pass us by. To help you cut through the noise, every Friday Index publishes a weekly news roundup of some of the key stories covering censorship and free expression. This week, we look at the arrest of a human rights lawyer and how Russia has banned Amnesty International.

Detained for her work: Leading human rights lawyer arrested for supporting immigrants

Cristosal is one of the most prominent groups working to defend human rights in Central America. Over recent months, it has supported those wrongfully deported to El Salvador from the USA, and now one of its most prominent figures is paying the price for this work. Ruth López, chief legal officer in anti-corruption for Cristosal, has been arrested in El Salvador over a decade-old embezzlement accusation from when she worked in electoral courts.

Arrested late on Sunday 18 May, her family and legal team have no knowledge as to her whereabouts and are concerned about her safety. Numerous human rights organisations have come out in her defence, condemning her arrest as a violation of due process, and outlining the “environment of fear” that is prevalent in the country.

Cristosal wrote on Bluesky that Lopez is “likely the victim of short-term enforced disappearance”, constituting a “serious human rights violation under international law”. López has led multiple legal cases against the Salvadoran government, and Cristosal claims that she has been the target of smear campaigns and social media attacks coordinated by Nayib Bukele’s government, and that this is its latest attempt to silence her for her work.

No amnesty for Amnesty: Prominent human rights group banned in Russia

On Monday 19 May, Russia officially announced that it would ban the prominent human rights organisation Amnesty International from operating within the country, designating it “undesirable”. The Kremlin claims that Amnesty is the “centre of preparation of global Russophobic projects”, and that it “[justifies] the crimes of Ukrainian neo-Nazis”.

Amnesty has continually documented Russia’s war crimes in Ukraine since Russia launched its full-scale invasion in February 2022, and the organisation has long been on Russia’s blacklist, with its website blocked and its Moscow office closed since the early days of the war. The group is far from the first to be banned by the Kremlin; since 2015 the register of “undesirable organisations” has been used to ostracise hundreds of human rights groups and media outlets. Amnesty International’s secretary general Agnès Callamard said that “you must be doing something right if the Kremlin bans you”, and outlined the organisation’s intentions to keep exposing Russia’s human rights violations in both Ukraine and Russia.

University protests: Student has degree revoked for pro-Palestine speech

Since Donald Trump was inaugurated in January, university campuses have become key battlegrounds in the fight for free expression in the USA. Some pro-Palestine protesters have been arrested on campus, others have been punished through suspension, and the Trump administration has threatened to withdraw funding from schools and universities that allow what it deems “illegal protests”. International students are at particular risk, as Immigration and Customs Enforcement (ICE) agents have detained and attempted deportations of student protesters who are in the USA on visas or green cards.

Despite the threats facing them, it appears that students are not being deterred from protesting. New York University (NYU) undergraduate Logan Rozos gave a pro-Palestine speech at his graduation ceremony last week, condemning the war in Gaza. ​​“The genocide currently occurring is supported politically and military by the United States, is paid for by our tax dollars and has been live-streamed to our phones,” he said. NYU quickly announced that the university is withholding his diploma while it pursues disciplinary action against him.

Similarly, this week, George Washington University (GWU) student Cecilia Culver criticised her university’s ties to Israel and called for students to withhold donations to GWU in a graduation speech that went viral on social media. She has since been banned from campus, with some groups calling for the withdrawal of her diploma until she apologises.

In February it was announced that a federal government taskforce set up to tackle antisemitism would be investigating events that have occurred at 10 universities, and both NYU and GWU are on this list. 

Media shutdown: Taliban fires 300 from national broadcaster in mass budget cuts

As part of an initiative to cut government spending, the Taliban has fired more than 300 members of staff from the prominent national broadcaster Radio Television of Afghanistan (RTA), 91 of whom are women. Many were journalists and editors who had worked for the organisation for decades. The Afghanistan Journalists Support Organization (AJSO) believes that this is more than just a cost-cutting exercise.

In a statement on X, AJSO outlined how this continues a theme of media suppression by the Taliban, and that the decision is part of “the systematic exclusion of women from the public sphere, especially in the media”. The drive to remove women from the workplace has intensified since the Taliban regained control of the country in 2021; state-run nurseries in Kabul have reportedly seen more than 100 female staff dismissed, while hundreds of women professors have been fired from public universities across the country. At the end of last year, women were banned from training as midwives and nurses.

A 2024 UN report also outlined how the Taliban has devastated the country’s independent media landscape, with the latest cuts appearing to be a continuation of these efforts.

Freed on demand: Two activists released from detention in Tanzania following government requests

Boniface Mwangi, a prominent Kenyan activist and journalist, and Ugandan activist Agather Atuhaire have reportedly been returned to their home countries following a three-day detention in Tanzania.  Mwangi and Atuhaire were in Dar es Salaam, Tanzania on Monday 19 May for the court case of Tanzanian opposition leader Tundu Lissu when they were arrested. They were taken into custody, with their whereabouts unknown, and allegedly denied access or contact with either their lawyers or families.

The Kenyan government publicly protested the detention, calling on Tanzania to release Mwangi in an open letter on Thursday 22 May – later that day, Mwangi was dumped on the border of Kenya and Tanzania. Mwangi has recounted his experiences in detention, claiming that he and Atuhaire were tortured while in custody. Atuhaire was also found at the border of Tanzania and Uganda, after the Ugandan High Commission wrote to Tanzania seeking information about her whereabouts. Amnesty Kenya has condemned their detentions, and has called for an independent investigation into the allegations of torture and human rights abuses by Tanzanian officials.

Arrested for criticising Hamas – in London 

On Saturday 17 May, veteran human rights campaigner Peter Tatchell was arrested. Tatchell is no stranger to arrest. When he celebrated his 70th birthday in January 2022, his post marking the occasion said he’d been arrested 100 times. At the end of that year he added another one to the list, this time in Qatar, where he was protesting the country’s criminalisation of LGBTQ+ people ahead of the World Cup. That arrest wasn’t exactly surprising. Qatar doesn’t tolerate protest, much as it doesn’t tolerate gay people. 

But Saturday’s arrest was different. Tatchell was detained in central London while peacefully partaking in a large-scale pro-Palestine march. Another twist: Tatchell believes he was reported to the police by the protest organisers themselves because his message called out Hamas, as well as the Israeli government. He was carrying a placard that read: “STOP Israel genocide! STOP Hamas executions! Odai Al-Rubai, aged 22, executed by Hamas! RIP!” The police also said Palestine march stewards told them he shouted “Hamas are terrorists”, which he firmly denies. 

Let’s pause here for a moment. For the past two months protests have been taking place in Gaza against Hamas. In response, Hamas has reportedly issued orders via one of its Telegram channels for the execution of all “traitors and troublemakers”. Odai Al-Rubai was one of them. According to his family he was brutally beaten and his lifeless body dumped outside his home with the message: “This is what happens to people who criticise Hamas.” According to Tatchell, who wrote a blog post on his website in response to Saturday’s arrest, others have suffered a similar fate. 

Tatchell’s point was simple: if you care about Palestinian lives, you should care about all the forces threatening them – including Hamas. For that, he says, he was told by a small minority of protesters at the start of the march to “fuck off”, “get out of here” and called “Zionist scum” (the police incidentally did nothing) before being reported on and taken away.  

The idea that calling out Hamas somehow makes you an enemy of the Palestinian cause is bonkers, frankly. And yet this idea has taken hold. I’ve experienced this myself. In the past 19 months I’ve frequently criticised Israel for its attacks on freedom of expression (and human rights more broadly). But the moment I mention Hamas, the tone shifts. Eyes roll. The atmosphere chills. It’s not just that people seem uncomfortable with the idea of pulling up anyone from Gaza, there’s a suggestion there too: “well, you would say that – you’re Jewish”. 

For me the response has been frustrating – if we’re talking about freedom of expression violations we have to be consistent. Hamas isn’t exempt. Eye roll all you want; for others though, the treatment has been far worse. Add to the Tatchell example these: A recent report looking at the state of freedom of expression in the UK arts sector detailed how an artist was bullied out of a collective for criticising Hamas; Ahmed Fouad Alkhatib, a Gazan peace activist living in the USA, is relentlessly targeted online — including with death threats — for condemning the group. 

Such division, and the inconsistency in approach, is deeply unhelpful. At Index on Censorship we frequently defend the right of peaceful pro-Palestinian voices to be heard because they absolutely have experienced significant silencing – around the world, including in the UK – and that is wrong. Now some within those same spaces are turning on others. It’s a textbook case of free speech for me, not for thee – and it too is wrong. 

That the police complied might also look like an anomaly. In truth, it was the result of several disturbing patterns converging. Tatchell was arrested at a protest, and whilst standing in a designated area, something he was forced to point out to the police. Stories like this are fairly par for the course with UK demonstrations these days since the last government pushed through sweeping anti-protest laws. In one of the most stark signs of police overreach, 87-year-old Holocaust survivor Stephen Kapos was questioned earlier this year under caution by police in connection to his peaceful involvement in a pro-Palestine demonstration in January.

In many of these cases, the police don’t seem to be exercising much judgment. With Tatchell, they acted on a report and arrested a protester whose placard was critical, not hateful. He was accused of “racially and religiously aggravated breach of the peace”, and of being part of a counter-protest movement. Perhaps they saw the word Hamas and jumped to the conclusion that he was promoting the group? Perhaps they didn’t read his words before it accusing Israel of genocide? Perhaps they didn’t see his “Free Palestine” badge?

Whatever the reason, it’s lazy work. The police appear to be acting more like blunt algorithms than sentient beings, and it’s not unique to Tatchell. As The Economist warned in its latest issue, police in Britain are arresting 30 people per day for speech online, double the 2017 rate. Some are for serious crimes, while others are for posts that people have found offensive, which fall short of the threshold of being a crime. 

So his arrest wasn’t surprising. But it was, and is, deeply worrying. And it was a reminder of several important things, one being that the UK’s draconian protest laws need to go. Several organisations are fighting the new legislation and others need to join in. Beyond these laws the police need to be better trained on the nuances around speech. Their job is to keep the public safe, not to reach for handcuffs every time someone gets reported on. 

Finally, those in the protest movement who treat Hamas as beyond reproach should pause to reflect on the name Odai Al-Rubai – a young protester silenced by the very group claiming to defend his people. Great movements can come undone by the authoritarianism within them that they fail to confront, as much as by their enemies. To protect the cause, protesters must stop defending those who would never defend them.

Kashmiris are disappearing from the streets

A crisis is often seized as an opportunity, especially by those eager to silence dissent – and no more so than in Narendra Modi’s India. Following the deadliest civilian incident in Kashmir in decades, the government has rolled out a coordinated campaign of information control. The Ministry of External Affairs has contacted global news outlets including the BBC, Reuters and the Associated Press, criticising them for using the word “militant” rather than “terrorist” in their coverage. Social media accounts of major Pakistani and Kashmiri news organisations have been blocked, including 8,000 accounts on X, and dozens of Pakistani YouTube channels. Meanwhile, dissenting voices are being targeted under sweeping legal charges. This week alone, the police filed cases against folk singer Neha Singh Rathore and university professor Madri Kakoti, accusing them of “endangering the sovereignty, unity and integrity of India” over posts critical of the government’s response.

Such suppression is far from new for those living in Modi’s India, as we highlighted two years ago in our magazine issue devoted to the country. It’s worse still for the residents of Kashmir. Since 2019, when the Indian government revoked the special autonomous status granted to Jammu and Kashmir under Article 370 of the Indian constitution, censorship and surveillance have become rife. Journalists from Kashmir have frequently written for us about internet blackouts, media bans and a broader clampdown on dissent. It’s been a grinding war on free expression that rarely garners global headlines.

Now, with tensions at a new high, that suppression is intensifying. A correspondent on the ground described a bleak reality to me this week. In the aftermath of the Pahalgam attack last month, which left 25 Indians and one Nepali national dead, thousands of Kashmiris have reportedly been detained, accused of being “overground workers”, a term often used vaguely to suggest militant affiliation. Civilians face beatings for being out after dark. Perhaps most alarming is the growing call from prominent Indian figures for a vengeful response against both Kashmiris and Muslims in line with Israel’s ongoing war on Gaza.

The rhetoric has dire consequences. Prominent Kashmiri journalist Hilal Mir was recently arrested on what sources close to him describe as a trumped-up charge. Authorities allege he was “actively engaged in posting and sharing content aimed at inciting sentiments among young minds and instigating secessionist sentiment by portraying Kashmiris as victims of systemic extermination.” In another instance the body of Imtiaz Ahmad Magray, 23, was found shortly after he was detained, after he reportedly jumped into a river trying to escape. According to police he had confessed to being an overground worker. His family refute such claims.

When asked if Modi’s government is using this crisis to crack down on dissent, the response from the correspondent I’m in touch with was blunt: “Without a doubt.”

Kashmir’s residents are living under the watchful eye of surveillance

As conflict intensifies between India and Pakistan, those in the disputed region of Kashmir have long faced human rights violations, including a higher level of surveillance and suppression of free speech.

On a cloudy day in January, 30-year-old Hanan* perched on a rock in a nearby forest close to his house in the Handwara area of India-controlled Kashmir. Amongst the daily hustle and bustle in his neighborhood, Hanan and his friends discussed a recent citizens’ survey allegedly conducted by the Indian Army. According to residents, the survey had required them to share private details about their families alongside photos. 

“What is really concerning for the locals is [soldiers requesting photos of women],” said Hanan, as he braved the wintry cold breeze in the woods.

His friend, Anzar*, said he had been asked to share a photo of his family members, and had been threatened with severe consequences if he did not comply.

Last year, a similar data collection exercise was conducted throughout Kashmir by the local police force. Alongside personal information being requested, residents were also allegedly asked to share a geotagged photo of the house they were residing in. 

Sheeraz* said he first heard about last year’s survey from his younger brother. He fears that the police are sourcing information which could be used to instigate “ethnic cleansing” of the area in future. He likened the surveillance to similar methods used by Israeli forces in order to monitor and track Palestinians, such as facial recognition technology.

Kashmir’s 2024 invasive policing exercise, which was termed “Village X Ray”, sought residents’ details such as their vehicle registration numbers, their affiliations with banned organisations and their Aadhaar numbers (a unique identity card provided by the Indian government).

“They are trying to shrink the space for us in ways unimaginable for many in other parts of the world,” said Sheeraz.

A new era of surveillance

Surveillance of the local population is not new in the contested piece of land between India and Pakistan, but fears have heightened since the region’s autonomy was further eroded in 2019. 

In 1987, a state election took place in Jammu and Kashmir that was widely believed to be rigged. The years following this saw an armed rebellion. In an attempt to quell the uprising, India’s government brought approximately 600,000 troops into the region, forcing people to name sympathisers and supporters of the cause against Indian rule, making arbitrary detentions and using torture to stop dissent. It also used various repressive legislative measures, including laws such as the Armed Forces (Special Powers) Act, the Jammu and Kashmir Public Safety Act and the Unlawful Activities (Prevention) Act.

Three decades later in August 2019, Narendra Modi’s right-wing Indian government revoked the disputed Jammu and Kashmir region’s special status (Article 370), which had previously granted it semi-autonomy over its administration. 

Article 35A was also scrapped, meaning that non-Kashmiris can now buy property in the region, giving a green light for outsiders to acquire the land of indigenous people. This has raised fears that the Indian government is trying to drastically change the demographic of the Muslim-majority region.

“Not only will we lose jobs, the only Muslim-majority [region] will be prone to communal conflicts after this arbitrary decision by the central government,” said Hanan.

Silencing voices

On the night of 5 January 2022, a young journalist from Bandipora’s Hajin area called Sajad Gul was arrested by men in uniform at his home. He was questioned for uploading a video clip to the social media platform X of women in a nearby area allegedly protesting the killing of a local militant leader. He had attended the protest to report on the incident.

The local police detained him under the Public Safety Act, which allows for a maximum two-year detention, among other charges, and transferred him to and from various jails. He was ultimately imprisoned for 910 days for reporting on a story.

In November 2023, the Jammu and Kashmir High Court quashed his detention, saying that there was no concrete evidence or specific allegations proving his actions were prejudicial to the security of the state.

Press freedom has deteriorated since the removal of Kashmir’s special status in 2019. Abdul Aala Fazili, a research scholar, was also arrested in April 2022 by the Jammu and Kashmir State Investigation Agency (SIA) for an article he wrote in 2011 for the online magazine The Kashmir Walla, titled “The shackles of slavery will break”. The news website has been blocked in India since August 2023.

“Since the nullification of the hollowed-out special status, not only are journalists in Kashmir being silenced by various intimidation techniques, but the general public is equally feeling the forced gag,” said Owais*, a history student who is well-versed with what is happening in the region. “People are scared of posting anything remotely related to the region’s disputed status on any social media platforms because they know the consequences.”

“We are all suspects here”

Leaning forward in his chair, a local politician called Saleem* spoke to me from his office in the outskirts of Handwara. When asked about the increasing surveillance in the region, his sharp and incisive response was: “The government of India sees us all as strangers. We are all suspects here for them.” These are strong words from someone who has taken an oath on India’s constitution.

The revoking of Article 370 has caused dynamics to shift, he said. “There was a lot in our hands back in the early 1990s, however now we have lost that bargaining power in the corridors of power.” 

In 2022, the Jammu and Kashmir government took another step towards monitoring locals’ movements, even on roads and in shops. An order administered via its policing wing in the Srinagar region put pressure on shopkeepers to install CCTV cameras or face a penalty. 

Many opposed it, saying they couldn’t afford the installation costs. Some were wary of installing cameras outside the front of their shops. “I clearly said to the party that I cannot install [it] because there is no need for installation,” said one shopkeeper. “Installing inside makes sense for my business, but not in front of the shop.”

History student Owais said that the attempt to silence people in Kashmir is now “two-pronged”: “One is reporting anyone who speaks for rights on social media platforms, and another is constant police raids at residences just to intimidate not only the suspects but the general public at large in the valley.”

Hanan, strolling back from the woods and towards his home, echoed Owais’s worries about the future of Kashmir. “I do not know what to do in these situations. I am not only concerned for my career, but now, for the last few years, my focus is more on the land I belong to, which I feel will be snatched away from me anytime by a single order of the government.”

* names have been changed to protect the identities of interviewees

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