The week in free expression: 26 July – 1 August 2025

In the age of online information, it can feel harder than ever to stay informed. As we get bombarded with news from all angles, important stories can easily pass us by. To help you cut through the noise, every Friday Index publishes a weekly news roundup of some of the key stories covering censorship and free expression. This week, we look at the killing of a Palestinian activist, and how Jewish comedians had their shows cancelled at Edinburgh Fringe.

Death for a documentary: Palestinian who worked on “No Other Land” killed in West Bank

Awdah Hathaleen, a Palestinian activist and community leader in the West Bank who worked on Oscar-winning documentary No Other Land, was shot and killed outside a community centre on Monday 28 July.

The suspected shooter, identified as settler Yinon Levi, was sanctioned by the UK and EU last year. The incident was recorded, and was posted on X by No Other Land co-director Yuval Abraham. Following the shooting, an ambulance arrived to collect Hathaleen, and despite an autopsy being completed on Wednesday, the Israeli army is reportedly refusing to return his body to his family.

The military has set out demands to the family, including that no mourning tent be set up near Hathaleen’s home, and that he be buried in a nearby city rather than his home village; demands that his family have refused. More than 70 women in the village of Umm al-Kheir where the shooting took place have begun a hunger strike in response to the withholding of Hathaleen’s body, as well as continued arrests and detention for the citizens of the village since the incident. In contrast, Levi was released on house arrest on Tuesday.

Hathaleen had reportedly warned UK parliament about threats to his life before the incident, and he is not the first activist who worked on No Other Land to be attacked. The Palestinian co-director of the film, Hamdan Ballal, was beaten by masked settlers outside his home before he was detained by the IDF in March 2025.

Show’s over: Jewish comedians have Edinburgh Fringe shows cancelled over safety concerns

Two Jewish comedians have had their shows cancelled at the Edinburgh Fringe Festival over “safety concerns” raised by staff at the venue. 

Rachel Creeger was one of the comedians to have had her show at Whistlebinkies – the venue in question – cancelled. She told Jewish News that she had previously performed there twice before, and that it was a “safe and happy space” for her. She received the call that her show was cancelled two weeks ahead of the performance date, with bar staff reportedly feeling unsafe with the extra security that was recommended for Jewish comedians.

Phillip Simon, the other comedian due to perform, also had a run of performances at Banshee Labyrinth cancelled. The venue claimed that they had made this decision after screening his social media account, picking out photos from a vigil marking 100 days since the 7 October attack, as well as messages mocking Greta Thunberg’s attempt to bring aid to Gaza via a flotilla. They stated that these posts signified views at odds with Banshee Labyrinth’s “stance against the current Israeli government’s policy and actions”. Simon rejected this claim, arguing that he had only ever supported “freeing the hostages and finding a way for peace”, and that he was “cancelled just for being Jewish”.

The bans have drawn much criticism, with shadow Scotland Secretary Andrew Bowie stating this incident “speaks very ill of the state of affairs in this country” regarding antisemitism. Festival organisers reportedly attempted to find alternate locations for the performances, but the short notice of the cancellations meant that none could be found; the performances have been removed from Fringe Festival’s website.

Taking the government to court: Palestine Action granted permission to challenge their proscription

A co-founder of Palestine Action, Huda Ammori, has won the right to challenge the proscription of the group as a terrorist organisation in court in a landmark ruling, with a hearing scheduled for November.

Palestine Action was banned under anti-terrorism laws after two members of the group broke into RAF Brize Norton airbase and defaced aircraft. Since then, more than 200 people have been arrested for expressing support for them – a charge punishable by up to 14 years in prison. In July, Laura Murton was threatened with arrest by Kent police under the Terrorism Act despite showing no direct support for Palestine Action, with police being recorded telling her that the phrase “Free Gaza”, which she had written on a sign, was “supportive of Palestine Action”.

Mr Justice Chamberlain, ruling on the case, cited incidents like Murton’s as being “liable to have a chilling effect on those wishing to express legitimate political views”. He stated it was “arguable” that the proscription of the group amounted to a “disproportionate interference” to the rights of freedom of expression and of assembly as they are described in the European Court of Human Rights (ECtHR). This sentiment echoes that of UN human rights commissioner Volker Türk, who argued that the proscription of the group was an “impermissible restriction” on freedom of expression.

No questions allowed: Three DRC journalists detained for attempting to question a minister

On 23 July, three journalists from the Democratic Republic of Congo (DRC) were allegedly beaten and detained by officials after they visited the office of the Tshopo province’s Minister of Finance Patrick Valencio to question him about his appearance in, and alleged funding of, a TV series.

The journalists – KIS24 Info’s Steve Paluku, ElectionNet’s Paul Beyokobana, and Kisangani News newspaper’s Sébastien Mulamba – were reportedly beaten with sticks by officials before being taken to a local police station, where they were forced to stay overnight. Released the next day, the three have been ordered to the prosecutor’s office to meet Valencio.

DRC has repeatedly proven to be an unsafe country for journalists; The African nation ranks 133rd out of 180 countries in Reporters Without Borders’ Press Freedom Index, with more than 50 attacks on journalists and newsrooms being reported in regions of the country mired in conflict with neighboring Rwanda.

Under watchful eyes: USA placed on civil society watchlist

The United States has been placed on a watchlist compiled by global civil society organisations highlighting “serious concerns regarding the exercise of civic freedoms” in the country, alongside nations such as El Salvador and Kenya.

The monthly watchlist, compiled by civil society watchdog CIVICUS, is intended to draw attention to countries in which civil liberties, such as freedom to protest and the free operation of non-governmental organisations (NGOs) are in steep decline. CIVICUS states that the US “appears to be sliding deeper into the quicksands of authoritarianism”.

Mandeep Tiwana, secretary general of CIVICUS, cited such incidents as the deployment of over 2000 members of the national guard to counter anti Immigrations and Customs Enforcement (ICE) protests as reasoning for the US’s place on the watchlist. Tiwana said these incidents were “incompatible with the essence of democracy” and a “preferred tactic of despots around the world”. Tiwana also denounced the targeting and arrest of journalists such as Mario Guevara, who was detained after reporting on the “No Kings” protests in June, as well as the attacks on those who “express solidarity with Palestinian rights,” such as Mahmoud Khalil.

The US is joined on the watchlist by El Salvador, who have built a strong relationship with the US since the beginning of Donald Trump’s second term as president, as well as Turkey, Serbia, Kenya, and Indonesia.

Ireland’s Defamation (Amendment) Bill fails to protect public interest speech

On 2 July, the Dáil passed the Defamation (Amendment) Bill by 83 votes to 61. The undersigned organisations are deeply disappointed that, although the Bill contains anti-SLAPP provisions, it fails to include the robust safeguards required to meaningfully protect public interest speech. Nearly a decade after the review of the Defamation Act 2009 began, this is a frustrating outcome and a missed opportunity to protect the freedom of expression that is the lifeblood of our democracy.

The Ireland Anti-SLAPP Network – a coalition of civil society organisations, media lawyers, and academics – has engaged with the government throughout this process in an effort to improve the Bill. We had proposed three targeted amendments that would have significantly strengthened the legislation. None of these have been incorporated.

While the Bill brings in provisions that give effect to aspects of the EU Anti-SLAPP Directive – its application to domestic defamation cases is welcome – it falls short of transposing the Directive’s full set of minimum standards and protections, which Ireland is legally required to implement in full by May 2026. The anti-SLAPP provisions in the Bill apply only to defamation proceedings, even though SLAPPs frequently exploit other causes of action including privacy, copyright, and data protection to intimidate and silence public interest speech. The government has provided no clear explanation of how it intends to extend protections beyond defamation in line with its EU obligations.

The legislation also omits key components of the Directive that could have been readily included. These include provision for third-party interventions in support of SLAPP defendants (Article 9), security for damages (Article 10) and a reversal of the burden of proof (Article 12). The legislation also fails to incorporate the protections against SLAPPs initiated in non-EU countries (Articles 16 and 17). By failing to incorporate these core safeguards, the Irish government exposes itself to potential infringement proceedings from the European Commission.

The government could and should have drawn on established international best practices, including the Council of Europe’s Recommendation on countering the use of SLAPPs. This Recommendation includes vital safeguards, such as an automatic stay of proceedings while an early dismissal motion is being heard, which are designed to protect against abusive litigation. It provides clear, practical guidance for safeguarding free expression and democratic accountability. Yet the government appears to have almost entirely disregarded it.

As the Bill goes to the Seanad today, the undersigned organisations call on senators to make the necessary amendments in order to ensure that Ireland seizes the opportunity to protect freedom of expression. If the current Bill is passed into law, journalists, human and environmental rights defenders, academics, and whistleblowers will remain vulnerable to abusive litigation aimed at silencing them. 

Jessica Ní Mhainín, Head of Policy and Campaigns at Index on Censorship, said:

“It is ironic that this piece of legislation was passed in the Dáil on European Day of Action against SLAPPs because it completely fails to offer meaningful protection to SLAPP defendants. Its complex and flawed provisions risk becoming tools only accessible to those with significant legal resources — not the individuals most often targeted with SLAPPs. We need the senators to take action now to stop this inadequate Bill from being passed into law.”

Dr Francesca Farrington, Convener of the Anti-SLAPP Research Hub and Lecturer in Law at University of Aberdeen, said:

“The Dáil has failed to fully transpose the minimum standards and protections required by the Directive. At a time of great threat to democracy, the rule of law, and human rights, the government has missed a vital opportunity to champion freedom of expression and protect public watchdogs. If the directive is a floor, not a ceiling, this is somewhere in the basement, but there is still time to level up.” 

Dr Eoin O’Dell, Associate Professor of Law in Trinity College Dublin, said:

“For a reform process that started with so much promise, the Bill has been a series of missed opportunities and profound disappointments. Nowhere is this clearer than in respect of its anti-SLAPP provisions, which are so grudging that they will be impotent in practice.”

SIGNED:

Index on Censorship

Anti-SLAPP Research Hub, University of Aberdeen

ARTICLE 19 Europe

Association of European Journalists

Blueprint for Free Speech

Civic Initiatives (Serbia)

ClientEarth

Coalition For Women In Journalism

Committee to Protect Journalists

European Centre for Press and Media Freedom (ECPMF)

European Federation of Journalists (EFJ)

Foundation Atelier for Community Transformation – ACT, BiH

Free Press Unlimited (FPU)

Global Witness

IFEX

Institute for Mass Media – IMME (Cyprus)

International News Safety Institute (INSI)

International Press Institute (IPI)

The Irish Council for Civil Liberties

Justice for Journalists Foundation (JFJ)

National Union of Journalists

PEN International

Raidió Teilifís Éireann (RTÉ)

Rainforest Rescue

Reporters Shield

South East Europe Media Organisation (SEEMO)

Spotlight on Corruption (UK)

The Daphne Caruana Galizia Foundation

The Gemini Project

Transparency International Ireland

Wikimedia Europe

Young people in Turkey are defying decades of oppression 

Young people in Turkey have a lot to feel enraged about, from worsening living conditions to the government’s rampant corruption. Since 2015, I have felt my own fair share of rage. 

That was the year my father, Can Dündar, a journalist and former editor-in-chief of the opposition daily newspaper Cumhuriyet, was imprisoned on trumped up terror charges.

Pro-government press outlets told lies about him and our family, and prosecutors sought multiple life sentences for his “crime” of reporting on covert arms shipments to Syria. Although he was released nearly 100 days later thanks to public solidarity and a Supreme Court decision, my family was eventually forced into exile, with my parents now living in Germany and myself in the UK. 

My father likens Recep Tayyip Erdoğan’s tactics to those of Vladimir Putin and multiple other global dictators. “Arrest the opposition, weaponise the judiciary, silence the media, spread fear and disinformation, protect your throne,” he has told me. 

Now, ten years later, I have hardly been able to sleep since youth-led protests erupted across Turkey last month following the arrest of Istanbul’s mayor and President Erdoğan’s main rival, Ekrem İmamoğlu. He has been sent to Silivri Prison (also known as Marmara), the same jail my father was imprisoned in. 

Once again, this represents a devastating attack on Turkey’s democratic rights and freedom of speech. I’ve been following reports from the handful of independent media that are still operating. According to Reporters Without Borders (RSF), 90% of the media in Turkey is now under government control, which has allowed pro-government disinformation to run riot. 

After 22 years in power, Erdoğan’s regime has left the economy in ruins, corrupted institutions, and suppressed basic rights. Since 2016, close to 150 local mayors have been dismissed or detained, and replaced with government-appointed bureaucrats. Leaders from three major political parties are now in prison. İmamoğlu and 91 elected officials from the Istanbul Mayor’s office face false corruption charges. It’s a mockery of justice – especially as so much of the ruling party’s corruption avoids scrutiny, and journalists, lawyers and anyone else who draws attention to the government are prosecuted.

Whilst protests continue despite blanket bans in major cities, digital censorship is rife as social media networks have been stifled by low bandwidth. X complied with government requests to shut down hundreds of accounts; TV news coverage has been cut and channels have been threatened with the cancellation of their licences. Meanwhile, 1,133 protestors have been arrested, with many beaten and detained. More than 300 of those arrested are students, and face potential jail sentences and a ban from ever running for political office, not to mention missing their studies. Footage of police brutality continues to fill my social media feeds – crowds of young people beaten and wounded, or shot with tear gas and rubber bullets, some directly in the eye. 

The student demonstrations in İstanbul have ignited mass protests in nearly all Turkish cities. Young people have united across ideological and economic divides and catalysed a fractured political opposition into action, symbolised by the chant, No liberation alone, all of us or none”. At one rally, Özgür Özel, the leader of the main political opposition the Republican People’s Party (CHP), thanked young people for ignoring his caution and taking the lead. A young man was pictured carrying his father on his back to the polls that had been set up to support the detained Istanbul mayor’s candidacy as a presidential candidate against Erdoğan; 15 million people turned out to vote for him in a day.

The spirit of solidarity continues to grow against increasing cruelty. Mothers who have spoken out for their children’s arrest have been detained themselves. Teachers supporting their students’ rights have been sacked, and students at hundreds of high schools have organised sit-ins to show solidarity with them. Thanks to the mobilisation, nearly half of the young people arrested have been released but 48 remain in prison. The political opposition has organised a nationwide boycott of pro-government businesses, and people have been detained for promoting it.

But people continue to show dissent. The CHP holds weekly peaceful gatherings across different cities and municipalities of Istanbul to keep the momentum going. The government recently blocked the access of spotlights to one major gathering in the Beyazıt district. Thousands of people pulled up their phone’s flashlights instead, defying the darkness and lighting up the town square and each other’s faces.

Despite digital censorship, the internet is also being used as a convening space. The Istanbul mayor’s account is currently banned from posting on X, so supporters have reacted by changing their profile photos to his, sprouting countless İmamoğlu accounts across the platform. When X started shutting these down for “likeness” complaints, they got creative by making alternative, hilarious versions of his photo instead. A whack-a-mole scenario has unfolded where every act of oppression creates its own act of resistance. 

Today, one in four people aged 15 to 24 in Turkey is neither working nor in school. Youth unemployment has hit a record high in the country. Gallup’s Global Emotions Report conducted across 116 countries found that Turkey scored near the bottom of its rankings for “positive experiences” in 2024, as it has done since 2020, with high levels of unhappiness and anger. This social environment has no doubt fueled the protests.

A tweet from author, editor and teacher Taner Beyter sums it up: “Young friends, we have nothing to lose. We won’t be able to buy a car or a house. We won’t have stocks. Even if we succeed in the exams, we’ll be singled out in interviews. If we are taken to court, we don’t have ‘our guy’ to bail us out. We won’t get rich in this corrupt economy. Let’s carry on resisting against those stealing our future.”

For many Turkish youths, this is their first protest movement against a government they’ve only ever known as Erdoğan’s – just as mine was during the 2013 Gezi Park protests, a wave of demonstrations that began with the demolition of Istanbul’s Gezi Park. It quickly sparked into a movement against mounting injustices. At their core, both movements have their roots in inequality and crackdowns on free expression, and have been driven by a hope for change. 

The millions who came out to the streets during the Gezi Park protests have since been separated and many were individually targeted. Once the crowds dissipated, no longer linked arm-in-arm, people were easier to subdue and prosecute with chilling effects. 

But decades of crackdowns have failed to silence young people in Turkey. A photo on my X feed shows a poster raised by a young protester. Under the names of those who were killed during Gezi Park, a note reads: “I was nine years old then when my brothers stood up for me. I may have missed meeting them, but they’ve all gained a place in me. I promise I won’t let this be.” 

There’s hope in collective reaction. Youth movements propel frustrations into action, catalysing a fractured opposition to work together for common goals. Established political parties may struggle to meet their demands at first, but they are slowly being shaped by them and changing their approach.

Around the world, young dissidents are speaking out to demand a better future in the face of mounting challenges from inequality to global conflict, state corruption to environmental decline. 

Still, pressures against them are mounting. Their legitimate demands are being criminalised across the world from Iran to Palestine, USA to Belarus, Serbia to Myanmar, and more.

This is why at PEN International, the world’s largest association of writers, we’re building a youth network called the Young Writers Committee with representatives from 58 countries. We launched our web platform Tomorrow Club last week along with a podcast series, to amplify the stories of brave young people from around the world, and to create spaces for them to collaborate, learn about each other’s lives and struggles, and discuss how to cope with them.

It’s clear to see the shared experience across borders. We are all suffering from a shrinking space for free expression, and we want to uplift each other, exchange tools and tales, and establish supportive links for a shared future. 

There is a common pride in the word “youth”. Although it paints a massively diverse group with a single brush, it can also help us come together against urgent challenges. 

Cihan Tugal, a sociology professor at Berkeley University in California, USA, recently noted: “When Erdoğan fights for himself, he is also fighting for Trump, [Narendra] Modi, [Javier] Milei and Orbán, even if their interests do not always align. When the students and others in the street struggle against Erdoğan, they are also fighting for the rest of the world.”

That type of togetherness is demonstrated by young people protesting in Turkey and other countries. We should support and empower them to keep going. Their strong stance for justice and a better, fairer future can bring together fractured masses and pave the way against rising tides of authoritarianism.

Celebrating Europe’s biggest bullies

The 2025 edition of the annual European SLAPP Contest put on by the Coalition Against SLAPPs in Europe (CASE) took place in Brussels last week in front of an enthusiastic crowd, brought together by a shared determination to celebrate those who use the legal system to harass and intimidate people across Europe so impressively.

Though these corporations and individuals may be too humble to seek the spotlight themselves, we are determined to shine a light on their efforts. After all, such hard work should not go unnoticed!

So, in no particular order, the winners of the European SLAPP Contest 2025 are…

Clean Tech International (Romania)

Clean Tech International was the deserving winner of the Corporate Bully of the Year award due to its tireless efforts intimidating environmental activists who insist upon making themselves a nuisance by protesting against pollution in the local area.

AER Muntenia, an environmental conservation organisation based in Slobozia – a Romanian city with a population of around 50,000 people – had the audacity to challenge Clean Tech’s environmental permit due to the activists’ claim that the city is being polluted with unbearable smells and loud noise. The multi-million-pound corporation responded in a logical manner, suing the concerned citizens involved for €20 million ($22.7 million) in damages should the permit be suspended, and causing the citizens’ land assets to be frozen.

Clean Tech has shown that nobody is too small or well-meaning to avoid punishment for their activism. Although it sadly could not be in attendance for the award ceremony, its certificate was graciously accepted on its behalf by the president of AER Muntenia, Dorina Milea, her son Eduard and the group’s representative Ciprian Bocioaga. Their passionate speeches about their desire for clean air and wish to protect their home city laid bare their villainous intentions.

Rachida Dati, Minister of Culture (France)

Another worthy winner, current French Minister of Culture Rachida Dati is now the proud owner of the 2025 SLAPP Politician of the Year award thanks to her dogged consistency and determination when it comes to silencing unfavourable media coverage.

Dati has filed multiple defamation lawsuits against media outlets Le Canard enchaîné, Le Nouvel Observateur and Libération over reports on her political and financial dealings, including ties to Azerbaijan, Qatar and former corporate executives. We applaud her dedication to obstructing such menacing practices as investigative journalism.

Although Dati has lost several of her cases, she is undeterred; for her, it’s the taking part that counts (particularly as the burden of spiralling legal costs faced by media outlets creates an environment of fear, encouraging self-censorship). Our congratulations to her.

Signature Clinic (UK)

It takes quite some doing to emerge victorious in the competitive category that is Farcical Threat of the Year, but the UK-based cosmetic surgery firm Signature Clinic managed it.

The problem began when several clients decided to brazenly exercise their right to free speech by writing of the disappointing experiences they had had at the clinic on social media. However, the pain described by those former clients pales in comparison to the suffering of Signature Clinic, which recognised that such comments could in fact be bad for business. It took the logical next step and politely asked those involved to remove their negative reviews by threatening them with imprisonment and filing police reports over their posts.

Although a harassment injunction case was dismissed as “totally without merit” in 2024 and most cases have been lost or settled, Signature Clinic has ploughed on with its attempts to silence criticism, with one case still ongoing. Its commitment to improving its reputation by responding aggressively to those who publicise its faults is certainly an interesting tactic, and is well worthy of this prestigious award.

Energy Transfer (Netherlands / US)

From the company who brought you Dakota Access Pipeline, get ready for the International Bully of the Year award! US-based Energy company Energy Transfer (ET) states on its website that it is “committed to protecting the environment” as well as “respecting all others and taking care of the land through which we cross”. What better way to show this than to sue activists from the environmental non-profit organisation Greenpeace International for hundreds of millions of pounds?

ET accused Greenpeace International (and other wings of Greenpeace) of defamation, of orchestrating criminal behaviour during protests at the Dakota Access Pipeline, and of inciting, funding and facilitating acts of terrorism. So, what did Greenpeace do to evoke such ire? Did it blow up some of ET’s pipelines with sticks of dynamite? Nope – it supported the Standing Rock tribe as they stood against the pipeline, signing an open letter alongside 500 other organisations calling on lenders to halt their loans to the Dakota Access Pipeline.

ET was understandably worried that the protests against its actions were harming the company’s reputation. We hope that winning an award as prestigious as the 2025 International Bully of the Year will help to ease such fears.

Eni (Italy)

No case is too small for our next winner, who picked up the gong for 2025 SLAPP Addict of the Year – it’s Eni!

Despite being one of the world’s largest oil companies, it still finds the time to ensure no stone goes unturned when it comes to protecting its good name. It doesn’t discriminate when it comes to SLAPPs, having filed defamation lawsuits against journalists, activists and environmental groups. Now that’s a strong work ethic.

It’s naturally tough to narrow down the highlights from the SLAPP Addict of the Year, but one particularly notable case targeted Greenpeace and ReCommon, two entities that a few months earlier had filed a legal action seeking to hold Eni accountable for past and potential future damages for its contribution to the climate crisis.

Eni’s determination to silence criticism comes despite suffering major losses in lawsuits against the Italian newspaper Il Fatto Quotidiano and journalist Claudio Gatti over coverage of the Opl 245 corruption scandal in Nigeria. The resolve to continue on its litigious path is an inspiration to bullies everywhere.

Aleksandar Šapić, Mayor of Belgrade (Serbia)

Being recognised by Members of the European Parliament (MEPs) in the SLAPP contest jury is one thing, but it’s an added privilege to pick up the 2025 People’s Choice award. This year, that honour belongs to the Mayor of Belgrade, Aleksandar Šapić.

Šapić filed a lawsuit in 2023 against the Balkan Investigative Reporting Network (BIRN Serbia) and several members of its staff over an article exposing his undeclared €820,000 ($929,700) villa in Trieste, seeking €51,200 ($58,000) in damages for emotional distress.

BIRN maintains that its reporting was accurate and verified, but its staff will be sure to think twice about conducting investigative journalism thanks to the tireless efforts of the Belgrade mayor.

All in all, the event was a highly successful evening celebrating the impressive work of Europe’s biggest bullies. Thanks to the five MEPs who made up our jury panel, Veronika Cifrová Ostrihoňová (Renew), Daniel Freund (The Greens / European Free Alliance), David Casa (European People’s Party), Sandro Ruotolo (Group of the Progressive Alliance of Socialists and Democrats) and Manon Aubry (The Left). Thanks also to those who stepped up during the ceremony to receive the awards on behalf of the winners, who were mysteriously absent. Let’s do it again next year!

Read more about the work CASE do to fight SLAPPs here.

Watch the full livestream of the 2025 European SLAPP Contest here.

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