The week in free expression: 5 –11 July 2025

In the age of online information, it can feel harder than ever to stay informed. As we get bombarded with news from all angles, important stories can easily pass us by. To help you cut through the noise, every Friday Index publishes a weekly news roundup of some of the key stories covering censorship and free expression. This week, we look at the arrest of a Palestinian newspaper editor, and how the Bangladeshi prime minister ordered violent protest crackdowns.

Hold the front page: Palestinian newspaper editor arrested by IDF

In the early hours of 7 July, veteran Palestinian journalist Dr Nasser al-Laham was arrested inside his home by Israeli forces.

58-year-old al-Laham has been working as a journalist for over 30 years, and is the editor-in-chief of Palestinian news agency Ma’an. He is also the director of Al-Mayadeen TV’s Palestinian office, a Lebanese news channel that is reportedly affiliated with Hezbollah, according to Haaretz.

Ma’an has reported that the raid on al-Laham’s home, located in the village of al-Duha, west of Bethlehem, was destructive. Soldiers reportedly ransacked the property, confiscating computers and phones and destroying personal items before detaining al-Lahham. Al-Mayadeen described the raid as “brutal and repressive” and called for his immediate release.

Al-Lahham’s detention was brought before Ofer Military Court for a hearing on Thursday 10 July, resulting in his detention being extended by a further nine days. Arrested on suspicion of “supporting and inciting terror” due to his role at Al Mayadeen, he joins a long list of Palestinian journalists targeted by Israel since war broke out following the 7 October 2023 attacks and kidnappings by Hamas. Reporters Without Borders (RSF) have labelled Palestine as the world’s most dangerous state for journalists, with almost 200 reporters killed in Gaza by the Israeli army over the first 18 months of war, and at least 42 of those likely killed due to their work.

Caught on tape: Former Bangladesh prime minister found to have authorised protester shootings

BBC Eye have verified a recorded phone call that reveals former prime minister of Bangladesh Sheikh Hasina authorised the use of lethal force against protesters in the mass uprising against the Bangladeshi government that took place in summer 2024.

The student-led uprising began in July 2024 when protesters took to the streets to demand an end to the job quota system that reserved public sector jobs for the descendants of war veterans. The Bangladeshi government cracked down on these protests as they increased in fervour, implementing national curfews and cutting internet access, and responding to demonstrators with lethal force. Armed forces mobilised against peaceful protesters, and the UN report that as many as 1,400 people were killed in just 46 days of protests. The harsh response only led to further demonstrations until Hasina resigned and fled the country on 5 August last year. It brought to an end her second period of rule which had lasted 15 years by that time.

Hasina was tried in absentia for crimes against humanity by Bangladesh’s International Crimes Tribunal (ICT), and leaked audio of a phone call with an unidentified senior government official marks the most damning evidence of her direct involvement in the atrocities. Hasina is recorded saying she authorised security forces to “use lethal weapons” against protesters and that “wherever they find [them], they will shoot”.

Hasina, alongside two senior officials, were indicted by ICT on 10 July 2025 for crimes against humanity, and court proceedings for the three will begin on 3 August. Hasina lives in self-imposed exile in India, and has dismissed the trial as being politically motivated.

Arresting all rivals: Tunisian opposition leader sentenced to 14 years in prison

Rached Ghannouchi, co-founder and leader of Tunisian opposition party Ennahda, is one of at least 18 politicians and officials sentenced to lengthy jail terms on 8 July 2025 in President Kais Saied’s mass crackdown on dissent. Ghannouchi, who has been imprisoned since 2023, was sentenced to up to 14 years in jail, the latest of a number of charges issued against him in recent months that total more than 20 years behind bars.

Such harsh prison sentences have become the norm for those seen as “conspiring against state security” in Tunisia; Nadia Akacha, Saied’s former chief of staff, and Rafik Abdessalem, Ghannouchi’s son-in-law and former foreign minister were also each handed a 35-year prison sentence in absentia for their alleged offences, as well as for “forming an organisation and conspiracy related to terrorist crimes”.

In 2021, Saied suspended elected parliament and began ruling by decree in what many described as a coup. Since this takeover, opposition politicians and dissenters have faced increasing repression; Ennadha’s party headquarters were shut down in April 2023, and numerous journalists have been imprisoned for “broadcasting false information”.

A war on reporting: Sudanese forces arrest freelance journalists

Independent Sudanese journalists Nasr Yaqoub and Mohamed Ahmed Nazar were arrested on Monday 7 July by soldiers affiliated with the Sudanese Armed Forces (SAF) in the North Darfur region of Sudan.

Yaqoub and Nazar were reportedly in a shop when they were arrested by members of the Sudan Liberation Movement-Transitional Council (SLM-TC). Two days earlier, Yaqoub was also the victim of an assassination attempt by an officer also affiliated with the SAF; he was allegedly shot after refusing to hand over a device connected to the internet via Starlink.

The two operate as freelance journalists, using Starlink to cover the Sudanese civil war since it began in April 2023. They post updates to their popular Facebook accounts – Yaqoub has 5,000 followers on the platform, while Nazar has almost 10,000 – working to keep people informed on a conflict that has very few active reporters. Starlink has become crucial for any reports on the conflict, with internet access being routinely blocked nationwide as part of the war effort.

The SAF has claimed that Yaqoub was arrested for directing “severe insults” at the officer who shot him, and that internet restrictions were necessary to prevent “collaborators” from relaying information to the paramilitary Rapid Support Forces (RSF).

A violent crackdown: Anti-government protests met with violence in Togo

Since 26 June, thousands have taken to the streets of Togo’s capital Lomé to protest constitutional reforms that may allow President Faure Gnassingbé to remain in power indefinitely, after he was sworn in with no term limit, and presidential elections were abolished. These protests were met with repression, and now reports are trickling in detailing the violent crackdown carried out by Togo forces.

At least ten people are thought to have died in the protests. Lomé residents report security forces entering people’s homes, beating civilians and firing tear gas. Videos verified by Al Jazeera show men in plain clothes, believed to be officers, dragging civilians away

The spark that lit the demonstrations was the arrest of popular Togolese rapper Tchala Essowè Narcisse, known as Aamron, whose music denouncing corruption and state neglect garnered him a following on social media. He was arrested without a warrant and held incommunicado for 10 days, according to his lawyer, and a video surfaced where he reported being held in a psychiatric facility.

The protests were led by young people, many of whom have never known a leader other than Gnassingbé. Togo has been under the rule of the Gnassingbé family since 1967, apart from a three-month period in 2005 following the death of Faure’s father, Gnassingbé Eyadéma. Faure has ruled since, and his latest constitutional reforms were described by the Touche Pas à Ma Constitution coalition as “a coup against the Togolese people”. 

Iranian forces deployed in Syria to curb rebel dissent

Yesterday Iran confirmed that its revolutionary guards corps (IRGC) forces are present in Syria helping Bashar al-Assad’s government fight rebel forces. General Mohammad Ali Jafari, Commander of Iran’s Revolutionary Guards, issued a further warning that it would get involved militarily if its Arab ally came under attack. British officials say that the IRGC has provided riot control equipment and technical advice on how to crush dissent, as well as providing support to improve monitor protestor’s use of the internet and mobile phone networks.

My Shanghai next door neighbour is Chinese dissident Feng Zhenghu

Feng Zhenghu. Image by Lara Farrar.

This piece originally appeared on the Huffington Post and is cross-posted with the author’s permission

Just down the street from Fudan University, one of the top colleges in China, and across from a massive shopping complex that has a Wal Mart, a couple of Starbucks and KFCs, H&M, Sephora and Zara, among other Western brands, lives Feng Zhenghu who for 24 hours a day, 7 days a week is barred from leaving his home.

In 2009, Feng garnered international media attention when he lived in Tokyo’s Narita Airport for several months after the Chinese government repeatedly stopped him from entering the country. He eventually was allowed to return to his apartment in Shanghai in 2010 and since then has faced random detentions in his home, which is also regularly searched for contraband by police.

“I don’t know if there is any surveillance in my house, and I don’t care,” said Feng who is reachable via mobile in his apartment, which is just a couple of buildings away from mine in a complex that has a fish pond, palm trees and a playground. “My phone is recorded, my computer has been taken. They can come to my house anytime without notice as they please. I have no privacy at all, and it is all public to them.”

Feng has become an enemy of the state for the work that he does to educate petitioners about their rights under Chinese law.

China has hundreds of thousands, perhaps even millions, of petitioners, or people who file grievances with the government against local officials for abuses ranging from corruption to forced land acquisition. They are usually poor, which means they cannot hire lawyers to help them solve their cases, which are also rarely ever heard in local courts. This means that most petitioners make dozens of trips to Shanghai over the course of many years to try to find someone powerful in the central government to help them find justice. Most never find any help at all.

The dissident has made it his mission to push local courts to not dismiss cases from petitioners as well as help petitioners write court documents or other papers outlining their particular complaints. And for this, he has lost his freedom.

In the beginning, when I moved into my apartment back in 2010, the security apparatus was barely noticeable. There were always some random men who looked like the type of men who might be found late at night in a stale diner in a casino in Atlantic City. Thuggish. Gold chains. Greasy hair. One had a broken arm.

They would sit at the gate and smoke. After a while, they started talking to me. Offering me cigarettes. I would stand around and chat about America. It was a good way to practice Chinese. I thought they were part of the complex’s management team. Once I asked what they did, and they replied that just had some sort of random business to do in the neighborhood. I thought nothing of it. Nor, it seemed, did anyone else who lived around me.

I discovered who the men were and why they were there only a few months ago when a Chinese friend of mine who worked for a foreign news agency came to interview Feng. The police arrived to stop him and the foreign reporter from entering Feng’s building so they came to my apartment for tea. Since then, I have been in touch with Feng via phone to ask him some questions surrounding some stories I have been working on about black jails in China and to ask him about what it is like to be in prison in his home.

“If I escape, those guards, the local public security bureau chief, the district governor, all of them will lose their jobs,” he said. “I have been with them for two years, and I understand them. It is also hard for them, so I don’t want to try to run away. Summer is coming, and I worry for them. The sun and mosquitoes are coming, and they have to stay outside. It is a pretty hard life for them as it is for me.”

Since the blind Chinese dissident Chen Guangcheng dramatically escaped from house arrest in a rural village in northern Shandong Province at the end of April, the layers of security surrounding my apartment complex have multiplied. The guards are still at the gate. But now there are more who hang around all day near the entryway to Feng’s building. There are new security cameras by the entrance. This week, new ultra bright lights were installed on the grounds.

And now in front of Feng’s building is a police car round-the-clock. I walk by it everyday. On my way to go buy coffee or cigarettes or a newspaper, I peer inside the tinted windows where I see bored officers watching something on their mobile phones. The car is always on. Sometimes there are people sitting in the backseat. Sometimes there are not. Sometimes everyone inside is asleep. Sometimes they sit outside a small tea shop and watch me pass. One night, one even said hello.

Back in April, before the police car arrived out front, my news assistant and I called Feng early one morning. We said we would come to see him from the street. He walked to his window and briefly peered outside. We snapped a photo. He dropped us a package with a note that said he is allowed to walk outside in the afternoon for half an hour for fresh air, and that maybe we could see him then.

Via phone, Feng told us that, unable to take the constant surveillance, his wife has moved to Germany.

“My life has become worse after her departure,” Feng said. “I cannot even go out to buy food. I rely on visitors to bring me food, and I cook a lot at once, and just eat the leftovers for meals.”

Georgie is a neighbor who visits Feng when he is let out of his apartment in the afternoons. Over the years, Georgie has developed a rapport with the guards, which now number at nearly 20 or so. He says they are migrant workers from provinces around Shanghai and make a couple thousand yuan per month to monitor the dissident. When Feng is let out, he talks to the guards about current events or cooking.

They talk about “how to stay healthy or what kind of television they are watching or how to cook fish. That was yesterday’s topic,” said Georgie who requested his full name not be disclosed out of fear that he would no longer be able to visit Feng anymore.

“Some of them, they have a good relationship [with Feng],” he said. “The guards just consider this as any other job.”

The degree to which my neighbors are aware that their neighbor is a dissident who is in prison in his home is unclear. There are daily rhythms of life here. Cars come and go. Children play soccer outside. Elderly men walk their dogs. Women sit around the fish pond and chat in the evenings. Every time I enter the gate, I look left towards Feng’s apartment and wonder what he is doing, whether he will ever get out and whether, for me, if it would have been better to never know that he was there at all.

“They are very worried right now that in Shandong a blind person could escape such heavy security,” Feng said. “They afraid that I might run away too, and then they will lose their jobs. So their days are not easy right now.”

Lara Farrar is a China-based correspondent, working for CNN International, the Wall Street Journal, Women’s Wear Daily, and the International Herald Tribune among other publications

China: Dissident found dead

Chinese dissident Li Wangyang, who was jailed for over 22 years after the 1989 Tiananmen Square protests, was found dead in a hospital ward in Shaoyang city, Hunan province, on Wednesday. Family members found the dissident, 62, apparently hanged by a bandage around his neck in his hospital room. Security and hospital authorities have said he had committed suicide but his family has said Li died in strange circumstances. Police are also reported to have removed his body without the family’s permission.

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