Awards 2016

[vc_row full_width=”stretch_row_content_no_spaces” css=”.vc_custom_1478499289940{padding-top: 250px !important;padding-bottom: 250px !important;background-image: url(https://www.indexoncensorship.org/wp-content/uploads/2016/10/2016-logo-1460×490-1.png?id=80259) !important;background-position: center !important;background-repeat: no-repeat !important;background-size: cover !important;}”][vc_column][/vc_column][/vc_row][vc_row css=”.vc_custom_1472525914065{margin-top: -150px !important;}”][vc_column][vc_row_inner equal_height=”yes” content_placement=”middle”][vc_column_inner el_class=”awards-inside-desc” width=”1/2″][vc_custom_heading text=”FREEDOM OF EXPRESSION AWARDS 2016″ use_theme_fonts=”yes”][vc_column_text]Index on Censorship’s Freedom of Expression Awards exist to celebrate individuals or groups who have had a significant impact fighting censorship anywhere in the world.

 

  • Awards were offered in four categories: Arts, Campaigning, Digital Activism and Journalism
  • Anyone who has had a demonstrable impact in tackling censorship is eligible
  • Winners were honoured at a gala celebration in London at the Unicorn Theatre
  • Winners joined Index’s Awards Fellowship programme and received dedicated training and support

[/vc_column_text][/vc_column_inner][vc_column_inner width=”1/2″][vc_video link=”https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=9MUWHhTYVAg”][/vc_column_inner][/vc_row_inner][/vc_column][/vc_row][vc_row equal_height=”yes” el_class=”awards-4grid” css=”.vc_custom_1472549004786{margin-top: 20px !important;margin-bottom: 20px !important;}”][vc_column width=”1/4″ css=”.vc_custom_1472461150656{background-color: #cb3000 !important;}”][vc_custom_heading text=”Arts” use_theme_fonts=”yes”][vc_column_text]for artists and arts producers whose work challenges repression and injustice and celebrates artistic free expression[/vc_column_text][/vc_column][vc_column width=”1/4″ css=”.vc_custom_1472461193991{background-color: #d98c00 !important;}”][vc_custom_heading text=”Campaigning” use_theme_fonts=”yes”][vc_column_text]for activists and campaigners who have had a marked impact in fighting censorship and promoting freedom of expression[/vc_column_text][/vc_column][vc_column width=”1/4″ css=”.vc_custom_1472461232330{background-color: #cb3000 !important;}”][vc_custom_heading text=”Digital Activism” use_theme_fonts=”yes”][vc_column_text]for innovative uses of technology to circumvent censorship and enable free and independent exchange of information[/vc_column_text][/vc_column][vc_column width=”1/4″ css=”.vc_custom_1472461222655{background-color: #d98c00 !important;}”][vc_custom_heading text=”Journalism” use_theme_fonts=”yes”][vc_column_text]for courageous, high-impact and determined journalism that exposes censorship and threats to free expression[/vc_column_text][/vc_column][/vc_row][vc_row el_class=”text_white” css=”.vc_custom_1472549018179{margin-top: 20px !important;margin-bottom: 20px !important;background-color: #cb3000 !important;}”][vc_column][vc_custom_heading text=”The Index Awards Fellowship” use_theme_fonts=”yes”][vc_column_text]In recognising individuals and organisations, often working in dangerous and difficult conditions, Index makes a commitment to them. Through a year-long fellowship we work with our awards winners – both during an intensive week in London, and the rest of the awarding year – to provide longer term, structured assistance to enhance the work they are already doing.[/vc_column_text][/vc_column][/vc_row][vc_row full_width=”stretch_row” css=”.vc_custom_1481803717893{margin-top: 0px !important;margin-bottom: 20px !important;background-color: #f2f2f2 !important;}”][vc_column][vc_custom_heading text=”FELLOWS” font_container=”tag:h1|text_align:center” use_theme_fonts=”yes” css=”.vc_custom_1472608304034{margin-top: 0px !important;}”][vc_column_text el_class=”container680″]

Through the Index Awards Fellowship we work with our winners – both during an intensive week in London and the rest of the awarding year – to provide longer term, structured support.

The goal is to help winners maximise their impact, broaden their support and ensure they can continue to excel at fighting free expression threats on the ground.

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Criteria – Anyone involved in tackling free expression threats – either through journalism, campaigning, the arts or using digital techniques – is eligible for nomination.

Any individual, group or NGO can nominate or self-nominate. There is no cost to apply.

Judges look for courage, creativity and resilience. We shortlist on the basis of those who are deemed to be making the greatest impact in tackling censorship in their chosen area, with a particular focus on topics that are little covered or tackled by others.

Nominees must have had a recognisable impact in the past 12 months.

Where a judge comes from a nominee’s country, or where there is any other potential conflict of interest, the judge will abstain from voting in that category.

Panel – Each year Index recruits an independent panel of judges – leading world voices with diverse expertise across campaigning, journalism, the arts and human rights.

The judges for 2016, chaired by Index on Censorship’s CEO Jodie Ginsberg are:

[/vc_column_text][/vc_column_inner][/vc_row_inner][vc_row_inner][vc_column_inner width=”1/3″][staff name=”Wole Soyinka” title=”Playwright, poet, novelist and essayist” color=”#28a7cc” profile_image=”80242″]Born and educated in Nigeria, Wole Soyinka is a playwright, poet, novelist and essayist who was Nobel Laureate for Literature in 1986 – the first African to be honoured in that category.

Soyinka has published more than thirty works, and is involved in numerous international artistic and Human Rights organizations.

Soyinka is currently Professor Emeritus in Comparative Literature at Obafemi Awolowo University in Nigeria, Fellow of the Black Mountain Institute at the University of Nevada, and a Hutchins Fellow at Harvard University.[/staff][/vc_column_inner][vc_column_inner width=”1/3″][staff name=”Maria Teresa Ronderos” title=”Journalist and programme director OSF” color=”#28a7cc” profile_image=”80240″]An award-winning Colombian journalist, María Teresa Ronderos is currently Director of the Program on Independent Journalism at the Open Society Foundation.

Before joining OSF in 2014, Ronderos was an editor and investigative reporter for Semana, Colombia’s leading news magazine. She also created and was editor-in-chief of VerdadAbierta.com, a website that has covered armed conflict in Colombia since 2008.

In 2014, Ronderos won Colombia’s Simon Bolivar National Award for her highly acclaimed book Guerras Recicladas, a history of the paramilitary forces in Colombia.[/staff][/vc_column_inner][vc_column_inner width=”1/3″][staff name=”Nabeel Rajab” title=”Human rights campaginer” color=”#28a7cc” profile_image=”80241″]A past winner of Index’s Freedom of Expression Award for Campaigning (2012), Nabeel Rajab is president of the Bahrain Centre for Human Rights.

A prominent international human rights activist and leading campaigner against civil rights abuses in his country, Rajab has been repeatedly arrested and incarcerated. He is currently prohibited from leaving Bahrain.

Rajab is also co-founder and former director of the Gulf Centre for Human Rights, Deputy Secretary General for the International Federation for Human Rights (FIDH), a member of Human Rights Watch’s Middle East and North Africa Advisory Committee and former chairman of CARAM Asia.[/staff][/vc_column_inner][/vc_row_inner][vc_row_inner][vc_column_inner width=”1/3″][staff name=”Kirsty Brimelow QC” title=”Public and criminal international, constitutional and human rights law” color=”#28a7cc” profile_image=”80239″]The first Chairwoman of the Bar Human Rights Committee of England and Wales, Kirsty Brimelow is an expert in public and criminal international, constitutional and human rights law.

Brimelow’s recent work includes an alleged Boko Haram child terrorist case in Nigeria, presenting evidence to the UN of sexual violence against Tamils by Sri Lanka and representing Amnesty against the UK security services.

As a mediator, Brimelow facilitated an apology from President Santos of Colombia to the San José de Apartadó peace community in 2013 that was described as an “historic moment” in the country’s history.[/staff][/vc_column_inner][vc_column_inner width=”1/3″][staff name=”James Rhodes” title=”Pianist” color=”#28a7cc” profile_image=”80238″]Until the age of 14, British concert pianist James Rhodes had no formal academic musical education. Aged 18 he stopped playing the piano entirely for a decade.

Since returning to the piano, Rhodes has released five chart-topping albums, performed in venues around the world and presented numerous TV series and acclaimed documentaries including Notes for The Inside and Don’t Stop The Music.

Rhodes’ memoir Instrumental was recently published – almost banned, the Supreme Court overthrew an injunction against its release in May 2015.[/staff][/vc_column_inner][vc_column_inner width=”1/3″][staff name=”Bindi Karia” title=”Tech entrepreneur” color=”#28a7cc” profile_image=”80237″]Previously vice president at Silicon Valley Bank, “queen of startups” Bindi Karia has worked in and around technology for most of her career.

Raised in Canada, Karia has also been Venture Capital/Emerging Business lead at Microsoft UK, a Tech London advocate and an active mentor and supporter of many of London’s top Incubators including Seedcamp, TechStars, Startupbootcamp, WAYRA and Level39.

Karia is currently setting up a new venture NewCo.[/staff][/vc_column_inner][/vc_row_inner][/vc_column][/vc_row][vc_row full_width=”stretch_row_content_no_spaces” css=”.vc_custom_1473325605190{margin-top: 20px !important;margin-bottom: 20px !important;padding-top: 20px !important;padding-right: 15px !important;padding-bottom: 20px !important;padding-left: 15px !important;background-color: #f2f2f2 !important;}”][vc_column][vc_row_inner content_placement=”middle” el_class=”container container980″][vc_column_inner][awards_news_slider name=”NEWS” years=”2016″][/vc_column_inner][/vc_row_inner][/vc_column][/vc_row][vc_row css=”.vc_custom_1473325552363{margin-top: 0px !important;margin-bottom: 20px !important;padding-top: 0px !important;padding-right: 15px !important;padding-bottom: 0px !important;padding-left: 15px !important;}”][vc_column css=”.vc_custom_1473325567468{margin-top: 0px !important;margin-bottom: 0px !important;padding-top: 0px !important;padding-bottom: 0px !important;}”][awards_gallery_slider name=”GALLERY” images_url=”74912,74870,74858,74854,74850,74849,74848,74847,74846,74845,74844,74843,74842,74841,74839,74838,74836,74835,74834,74833,74832,74831″][/vc_column][/vc_row][vc_row full_width=”stretch_row” css=”.vc_custom_1481798563375{background-color: #f2f2f2 !important;}”][vc_column][vc_custom_heading text=”2016 SHORTLIST” font_container=”tag:h1|text_align:center” use_theme_fonts=”yes”][vc_column_text]

Drawn from more than 400 nominations, the Index awards shortlist celebrates 20 artists, writers, journalists and campaigners tackling censorship and fighting for freedom of expression against incredible obstacles.

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for artists and arts producers whose work challenges repression and injustice and celebrates artistic free expression

[/vc_column_text][vc_row_inner][vc_column_inner width=”1/3″][staff name=”Belarus Free Theatre” title=”Belarus” profile_image=”82684″]Belarus Free Theatre have been using their creative and subversive art to protest the dictatorial rule of Aleksandr Lukashenko for a decade.

Facing pressure from authorities since their inception, the group nonetheless thrived underground, performing in apartments, basements and forests despite continued arrests and brutal interrogations. In 2011, while on tour, they were told they were unable to return home. Refusing to be silenced, the group set up headquarters in London and continued to direct projects in Belarus.

In this anniversary year, the group staged a solidarity concert watched by over half a million people online, mounted a two week retrospective and launched the Ministry of Counterculture, an online platform aiming to widen the understanding of art’s role in affecting social change.

“The very existence of BFT is a challenge to the repression and injustice of the dictatorship in Belarus.” — Natalia Kaliada, co-founder Belarus Free Theatre

Full profile: Belarus Free Theatre battles censorship and oppression by the Belarusian regime[/staff][/vc_column_inner][vc_column_inner width=”1/3″][staff name=”#YoTambienExijo and Tania Bruguera” title=”Cuba” profile_image=”82700″]Tania Bruguera is an American-Cuban artist who was arrested after attempting to stage her performance piece #YoTambienExijo in Havana in late 2014. Mounted soon after the apparent thaw in US-Cuban relations, Bruguera’s piece offered members of the public the chance of one minute of ‘censor-free’ expression in Havana’s Plaza de la Revolución.

The banning of the show, and Bruguera’s subsequent detention, caused an international outcry and sparked a worldwide solidarity movement for free expression in Cuba. Leading venues and artists around the world have been re-staging #YoTambienExijo all year, drawing attention to the ongoing persecution of artists in Cuba. Bruguera estimates that over 20,000 Cubans have been involved in the project to date.

“I truly believe that in totalitarian regimes like Cuba, art has the privilege to open doors. It can serve as an escape from fear and from a life of lies.” — Tania Bruguera, founder #YoTambienExijo

Full profile: Tania Bruguera’s #YoTambienExijo ignites a worldwide movement[/staff][/vc_column_inner][vc_column_inner width=”1/3″][staff name=”Good Chance Theatre” title=”Calais” profile_image=”82688″]Built in 2015, this innovative temporary space in the infamous jungle refugee camp in Calais aims to be more than just a theatre.

Founders Joe Murphy and Joe Robertson, two young British playwrights, came up with the idea after working in the camp as volunteers: “We were struck by everyone’s willingness to tell their story. In many cases this willingness was a need.”

Good Chance offers a safe place where refugees can express themselves, share their stories, and come together as a community. Backed by some of the biggest names in British theatre, Good Chance looks set to continue touching the lives of some of those most in need.

“We are here for 6000 unacknowledged people, each of whom have an individual voice. Our duty is to those voices, as it is those voices that will help deepen and complicate our understanding of this refugee crisis.” — Joe Murphy and Joe Robertson, co-founders Good Chance Theatre

Full profile: Good Chance Theatre gives refugees a place to be heard[/staff][/vc_column_inner][/vc_row_inner][vc_row_inner][vc_column_inner width=”1/3″][staff name=”Sakdiyah Ma’ruf” title=”Indonesia” profile_image=”82699″]Sakdiyah Ma’ruf is a stand-up comedian from Indonesia whose routines challenge Islamic fundamentalism.

Born to a conservative Muslim family in Java, Ma’ruf went against her father’s wishes and started using comedy to speak about religious based violence and extremism, ethnic extremism and xenophobia, as well as fear, terror and violence against women.

One of the very few female stand-up comedians in the country to appear on national TV, she has often been asked to censor her jokes for TV performances, but continues to refuse.

“Good comedy makes you laugh. Great comedy makes you cry.” — Sakdiyah Ma’ruf

Full profile: Indonesian Sakdiyah Ma’ruf carves a name for herself in comedy[/staff][/vc_column_inner][vc_column_inner width=”1/3″][staff name=”Winner: Murad Subay” title=”Yemen” profile_image=”82695″]Artist Murad Subay uses his country’s streets as a canvas to protest Yemen’s war, institutionalised corruption and forced “disappearings”.

Since beginning a street art protest in 2011 Subay has launched five campaigns to promote peace and encourage discussion of sensitive political issues. All his painting is done in public during the day and he encourages fellow Yemenis to get involved. Subay has often been targeted by the authorities, painting over his works or restricting him from painting further.

“I found that the soul of the Yemeni people was broken because of war… I found that the buildings and the streets were full of bullets, full of damage. So I went on Facebook and said I would go on to the streets to paint the next day and I did.” — Murad Subay

Learn more about the 2016 Arts fellow Murad Subay[/staff][awards_fellows][/vc_column_inner][vc_column_inner width=”1/3″][vc_video link=”https://youtu.be/EHVgJHWTT8Y”][/vc_column_inner][/vc_row_inner][/vc_column][/vc_row][vc_row full_width=”stretch_row” css=”.vc_custom_1481798587833{background-color: #f2f2f2 !important;}”][vc_column][vc_custom_heading text=”CAMPAIGNING” font_container=”tag:h1|text_align:center” use_theme_fonts=”yes”][vc_column_text]

For activists and campaigners who have had a marked impact in fighting censorship and promoting freedom of expression.

[/vc_column_text][vc_row_inner][vc_column_inner width=”1/3″][staff name=”Abduljalil Al-Singace” title=”Bahrain” profile_image=”82683″]Dr. Abduljalil Al-Singace is a Bahraini human rights activist, academic and blogger who worked tirelessly to call attention to his country’s human rights practices until, during a crackdown on activists in 2011, authorities imprisoned him and 13 others.

Ever since then, Al-Singace has felt the brunt of the practices against which he has spent his life campaigning. In prison he has not been silenced despite being verbally and physically abused, sexually assaulted and kept in solitary confinement for months on end. He has also been denied access to medication, his family, and even pens and paper. In March last year, Al-Singace began a 313 day hunger strike in protest at the collective punishment and acts of torture that police inflicted upon prisoners. He is still being held.

“Be careful when you use the words ‘change’, ‘dream’ and ‘democracy’. Those things don’t come so easily to us here in Bahrain.” — Dr Abduljalil Al-Singace

Full profile: Dr Abduljalil Al-Singace has not let prison silence him[/staff][/vc_column_inner][vc_column_inner width=”1/3″][staff name=”Vanessa Berhe” title=”Eritrea” profile_image=”82701″]Nineteen-year-old Vanessa Berhe is fighting for the release of her uncle, journalist Seyoum Tsehaye, who has been imprisoned in Eritrea for the last 15 years. She also launched the campaign Free Eritrea to draw the world’s attention to a little-reported country with one of the worst track records for free speech.

Starting when she was 16 and still at school, Berhe has since given a speech in front of the Pope, launched petitions, utilised social media, video and web platforms and orchestrated protests in order to spread her message. Born in Sweden to Eritrean parents and currently studying in the USA, Berhe has taken the plight of this small country to the world stage.

“With one man’s name and story, we aim to dismantle the cover that has been hiding the oppression that has ravaged the Eritrean people for years.” — Vanessa Berhe, founder One Day Seyoum

Full profile: Vanessa Berhe is fighting for freedom of expression in Eritrea[/staff][/vc_column_inner][vc_column_inner width=”1/3″][staff name=”Winner: Bolo Bhi” title=”Pakistan” profile_image=”82685″]Bolo Bhi are a digital campaigning group who have orchestrated an impressive ongoing fight against attempts to censor the internet in Pakistan.

The all-women management team have launched internet freedom programmes, published research papers, tirelessly fought for government transparency and run numerous innovative digital security training programmes.

In 2015 the group turned their attention to the draconian Prevention of Electronic Crimes Bill, organising an extraordinary campaign of events, lobbying, press conferences and online actions. They brought international attention to a landmark bill that would otherwise have been pushed through with little public attention.

“This case alone could change everything for free speech in Pakistan.” — Farieha Aziz, co-director Bolo Bhi

Learn more about the 2016 Campaigning fellow Bolo Bhi[/staff][/vc_column_inner][/vc_row_inner][vc_row_inner][vc_column_inner width=”1/3″][staff name=”Nkosilathi Emmanuel Moyo” title=”Zimbabwe” profile_image=”82696″]Growing up in a small mining town in Zimbabwe, human rights campaigner and writer Nkosilathi Emmanuel Moyo saw first-hand how young people in his community were being manipulated by politicians to perpetuate political violence. To fight this, he set up the Zimbabwe Organization For Youth In Politics and has since trained 80 human rights defenders and now works with over 2,500 youths.

A prolific writer, 28-year-old Moyo has published three bestselling books. All are highly critical of the Mugabe regime, the last written while he was sheltering in the Netherlands for his safety and published immediately on his return. Moyo’s latest stunt was to send President Mugabe a prison uniform present for his 92nd birthday – fearing for his life he is now back in hiding.

“I refuse to allow my dissenting voice to be silenced. Never shall I put my pen down it is the only weapon I have.” — Nkosilathi Emmanuel Moyo, founder Zimbabwe Organization For Youth In Politics

Full profile: Nkosilathi Emmanuel Moyo campaigns against political corruption[/staff][/vc_column_inner][vc_column_inner width=”1/3″][staff name=”Pu Zhiqiang” title=”China” profile_image=”82698″]A student activist who took part in the 1989 pro-democracy protests in Tiananmen Square, Pu Zhiqiang has long fought for China’s human rights, becoming one of the most influential human rights lawyers in his country and fighting famous cases like that of artist Ai Weiwei, who has been targeted by the country’s government.

In 2015, after attending a Tiananmen memorial event, Zhiqiang was arrested on the charge of “creating a disturbance”. The next few months saw him imprisoned while fresh charges were brought against him for comments posted on social media. With his high-profile trial culminating in December last year, all eyes were on China. A three-year suspended sentence has effectively gagged him.

“Given that this is someone with a strong belief in the right to free speech, and a human rights lawyer who has chosen to devote his professional life to free speech cases, it is a great irony that Pu Zhiqiang has been convicted of a crime because of his own speech.” — Professor Hu Yong, Peking University School of Journalism

Full profile: Pu Zhiqiang is unwavering in support of free speech[/staff][/vc_column_inner][vc_column_inner width=”1/3″][vc_video link=”https://youtu.be/fhoOR6Ft1eg”][/vc_column_inner][/vc_row_inner][/vc_column][/vc_row][vc_row full_width=”stretch_row” css=”.vc_custom_1481798600606{background-color: #f2f2f2 !important;}”][vc_column][vc_custom_heading text=”DIGITAL ACTIVISM” font_container=”tag:h1|text_align:center” use_theme_fonts=”yes”][vc_column_text]

For innovative uses of technology to circumvent censorship and enable free and independent exchange of information.

[/vc_column_text][vc_row_inner][vc_column_inner width=”1/3″][staff name=”Dokuz8 Haber and Gökhan Biçici” title=”Turkey” profile_image=”82686″]Gökhan Biçici is a Turkish reporter who faced police brutality during the anti-government Gezi Park protests of 2013 when he was severely beaten and dragged down the street. The footage of his arrest went viral and, after his release, the idea for Dokuz8 Haber was born.

Since the protests, Biçici has been working to build a new kind of news organisation, which combines the dynamism of citizen journalism with the skills of professionals. Dokuz8 Haber’s citizen contributors from around the country are helping prepare for a future where Turkey’s journalists are free to report and citizens can live under a democratic constitution.

“Hundreds of thousands of citizen journalists cannot be censored.” — Gökhan Biçici, founder Dokuz8 Haber

Full profile: Gökhan Biçici launched citizen news agency Dokuz8Haber after Gezi Park protests[/staff][/vc_column_inner][vc_column_inner width=”1/3″][staff name=”Winner: GreatFire” title=”China” profile_image=”82689″]Set up by anonymous individuals, GreatFire is at the forefront of the fight against China’s severe web censorship.

Using a variety of tools, the organisation tracks China’s censorship infrastructure, hosts mirror sites to make censored material available and, in March 2015, launched an app that allows users to browse the officially forbidden web. Previously, the group created FreeWeibo, an uncensored version of the Chinese social platform. Despite ‘the Great Cannon’, a major cyber-attack by Chinese authorities in 2015, GreatFire has continued the fight for online freedom.

“Our goal is to bring transparency to online censorship in China.” — GreatFire

Learn more about the 2016 Digital Activism fellow GreatFire China[/staff][/vc_column_inner][vc_column_inner width=”1/3″][staff name=”Love Matters” title=”International” profile_image=”82692″]International discussion platform Love Matters has dedicated itself to opening up conversation about sexual health in countries where such subjects are censored or taboo.

With autonomous local branches in Egypt, Mexico, India, Africa and China, they’ve now had over 100 million page views since their inception in 2009. Between organising a comedy gig about sexual health in Cairo, music awards for songs about sexuality in Kenya and campaigning against partner violence in India, their impact has been huge. The very act of reading their content can put you in grave danger in some of the countries they call home.

“Access to good information on sexual and reproductive health is a human right – but one which is often thwarted in many countries.” — Vithika Yadav, founder Love Matters India

Full profile: Love Matters opens up conversations about sexual health[/staff][/vc_column_inner][/vc_row_inner][vc_row_inner][vc_column_inner width=”1/3″][staff name=”Méxicoleaks” title=”Mexico” profile_image=”82694″]A whistleblowing website, Méxicoleaks launched last year with the mission to build a more transparent and democratic Mexico.

Days after its launch, Méxicoleaks gained prominence when well-known journalist Carmen Aristegui was fired from her popular talk show after the station axed two of her colleagues because of their involvement in the effort. The international outcry put Méxicoleaks in the spotlight, and the innovative anonymous news-sharing platform has since received a number of tip-offs that allowed its founders – nine independent news outlets in Mexico – to uncover a series of high-profile corruption scandals.

In a country where, between drug cartels and the government, censorship and self-censorship is rife, Méxicoleaks is on the forefront of the fight against corruption.

Full profile: Méxicoleaks seeks to bring more transparency to Mexico[/staff][/vc_column_inner][vc_column_inner width=”1/3″][staff name=”Hebib Muntezir” title=”Azerbaijan” profile_image=”82691″]In a country where social media has been hailed as the last hope for free speech, Azerbaijani activist and blogger Hebib Muntezir has used his huge online presence to call out ingrained corruption.

Müntezir is one of the founders of Meydan TV, one of the few media outlets publishing content critical of Azerbaijan’s government. The Meydan team has faced intense pressure from the authorities: employees have been arrested and detained. Even family members have been harassed. However, Müntezir and Meydan TV have continued to build huge online audiences who thirst for information in a country suffering from an ongoing media crackdown.

“Many people in Azerbaijan are afraid to talk, but citizens still reach out to me to share content and offer support.” — Hebib Muntezir, social media manager, Meydan TV

Full profile: Hebib Muntezir mobilises social media to share uncensored news about Azerbaijan[/staff][/vc_column_inner][vc_column_inner width=”1/3″][vc_video link=”https://youtu.be/E1JvZdjAPvI”][/vc_column_inner][/vc_row_inner][/vc_column][/vc_row][vc_row full_width=”stretch_row” css=”.vc_custom_1481798610425{background-color: #f2f2f2 !important;}”][vc_column][vc_custom_heading text=”JOURNALISM” font_container=”tag:h1|text_align:center” use_theme_fonts=”yes”][vc_column_text]

For courageous, high-impact and determined journalism that exposes censorship and threats to free expression.

[/vc_column_text][vc_row_inner][vc_column_inner width=”1/3″][staff name=”Winner: Zaina Erhaim” title=”Syria” profile_image=”82702″]While journalists and citizens fled, Syrian-native Zaina Erhaim returned to her war-ravaged country and the city of Aleppo in 2013 to ensure those remaining were not forgotten. She is now one of the few female journalists braving the twin threat of violence from both ISIS and the president, Bashar al-Assad.

Erhaim has trained hundreds of journalists, many of them women, and set up independent media outlets to deliver news from one of the world’s most dangerous places. In 2015 Erhaim filmed a groundbreaking documentary, Syria’s Rebellious Women, to tell the stories of women who are helping her country survive its darkest hour.

“In 10 years time, I want a young woman who looks on the internet to find out what happened in Syria to find evidence of the roles women played.” — Zaina Erhaim

Learn more about the 2016 Journalism fellow Zaina Erhaim[/staff][/vc_column_inner][vc_column_inner width=”1/3″][staff name=”Mada Masr” title=”Egypt” profile_image=”82693″]Founded in 2013 by a group of young journalists after newspaper Egypt Independent was censored into bankruptcy, Mada Masr was launched as a media co-operative that aims to hold those in power accountable.

Despite the high-profile arrest of one of its journalists in 2015, Mada Masr continues to grow, recently developing a network of citizen journalists to cover news from Egypt’s governorates. Through innovative fundraising it has managed to remain financially independent.

“I want us, down the line, many many years to come, to be a reference of what happened.” — Lina Attalah, chief editor Mada Masr

Full profile: Mada Masr offers an alternative narrative to Egypt’s official media [/staff][/vc_column_inner][vc_column_inner width=”1/3″][staff name=”Hamid Mir” title=”Pakistan” profile_image=”82690″]Journalist Hamid Mir has worked tirelessly to take on unchallenged powers in Pakistan. With a 30-year-career punctuated by numerous threats, beatings, abductions and assassination attempts, he has become one of the country’s best-known reporters and hosted Pakistan’s popular political Geo TV show Capital Talk for the last 13 years.

The past year has been one of the hardest yet for Mir following an assassination attempt in 2014 in which he was shot six times and left for dead. He returned to work as soon as he left the hospital, but is confined to a life under armed-guard without his family who have been sent abroad for their safety.

“It’s very dangerous and risky to stay in Pakistan, but I am doing it only because majority of common people are with me.” — Hamid Mir

Full profile: Hamid Mir has been targeted for taking on unchallenged power[/staff][/vc_column_inner][/vc_row_inner][vc_row_inner][vc_column_inner width=”1/3″][staff name=”Pravit Rojanaphruk” title=”Thailand” profile_image=”82697″]Pravit Rojanaphruk is a Thai reporter who in 2015 was arrested, interrogated and forced out of his job for a series of tweets criticising Thailand’s military government.

Soon after he was released three days later, he was asked to resign from his job of 23 years. Despite ongoing government pressure, Rojanaphruk continues to write and post messages calling out corruption and censorship, recently taking up a new post at Khaosod English News.

A long-time opponent of his country’s lèse majesté law, which prevents any kind of criticism of the monarchy, Rojanaphruk had tweeted: “Freedom can’t be maintained if we are not willing to defend it.”

“It’s both an honour and a great responsibility to continue to stand for freedom of expression.” — Pravit Rojanaphruk

Full profile: Pravit Rojanaphruk has been targeted for speaking against Thailand’s military rule[/staff][/vc_column_inner][vc_column_inner width=”1/3″][staff name=”Ferit Tunç” title=”Turkey” profile_image=”82687″]A Kurdish journalist who set up an independent newspaper in eastern Turkey, Ferit Tunç has been repeatedly targeted with sanctions and lawsuits for publishing articles critical of local authorities.

Pushed to bankruptcy, Tunç, who also ran for office on an anti-corruption platform this year, fought back by publishing satirical cooking recipes on his front pages – each with a hidden message – an inventive protest against media censorship.

“People talk about how rotten Turkey’s press is at the top, but it’s rotten all the way through… People in this city have lost the right to talk about issues that matter to them.” — Ferit Tunç, founding editor Yӧn Gazetesi

Full profile: Ferit Tunç uses inventive methods to challenge censorship in Turkey[/staff][/vc_column_inner][vc_column_inner width=”1/3″][vc_video link=”https://youtu.be/cAegKHt5h28″][/vc_column_inner][/vc_row_inner][/vc_column][/vc_row]

Yavuz Baydar: Turkey’s rounding up reporters, editors and columnists

Şahin Alpay

Şahin Alpay is a columnist for multiple newspapers, including Yarina Bakis, which was forced to suspend its print edition after the coup.

It was 6am when Professor Şahin Alpay and his wife heard the knock at the door. It was the police. They had come to take him into custody.

The 72-year-old journalist’s flat was searched for two hours. As he was led away, Alpay said: “I do not know why I am being taken away. I am not in a position to say anything.”

Alpay was only one of 47 journalists who were subject to arrest under warrants issued on Wednesday. The list included the names of columnists, editors and reporters who formerly had been employed in Zaman daily, which was seized by the security forces last March. It and its journalists now stand accused of being the so-called media leg of Fethullah Gülen terror organisation.

Alpay has been one of the most consistent and powerful socially liberal voices in Turkey for decades. He is very well known in European political circles, particularly in Sweden where he had completed his doctorate. He is respected within Germany’s social democratic, liberal and green movements. For years, he had been part of democracy projects conducted by the Ebert and Naumann foundations. Until very recently he had taught political science at Bahçeşehir University and continued to write columns in multiple newspapers.

The list also includes names such as Hilmi Yavuz, an 80-year-old poet, philosopher and literary critic, who is also well known abroad. Other names on the list wereP rofessor İhsan Dağı, a brilliant liberal scholar, and theologue Ali Bulaç.

Then there are journalists: Lale Kemal, an outstanding analyst of defence issues for Jane’s Defence Weekly; Nuriye Akman, who is well known for her long interviews; Bülent Keneş, former editor-in-chief of  Today’s Zaman, which is now controlled by trustees appointed by the government. The list goes on and on.

On Monday, a list of arrest warrants issued against 42 journalists. On Wednesday there were 47 more names. With this second wave of arrests, there seems no doubt that the clampdown on critical and independent journalism will continue in stages. The first wave targeted reporters regardless of the publications they were affiliated with. The second wave was aimed at Zaman. The message shared on social media: there is more to come.

Turkey’s situation cannot be any more serious. The aftermath of the completely unacceptable and bloody coup is marked by an incomprehensible priority to target dissenting intellectuals. This is reminiscent of the pattern the generals set down after the military coup in 1980. The targets were communists then, now it’s Gülenists that are the subject of the massive witch hunt.

The accusation directed at Nazlı Ilıcak, a 71-year-old veteran journalist on the centre right-liberal flank, is rather telling. The lawyers say that she is to be charged with “establishing the media leg of FETO terror organisation”, meaning a lifetime imprisonment if the charge sticks.

This was the overall picture as of the past 24 hours. It is, then, completely appropriate that, now that the witch hunt is openly targeting liberals on the right and left in Turkey, the rules of the emergency rule paves the way for a counter-putsch or, as the veteran journalist, Hasan Cemal, a close friend of Alpay and Ilıcak, labelled as “civilian coup”.

Indeed, Wednesday morning Human Rights Watch was swift in issuing an SOS warning to the world about the emergency rule, which now allows the authorities to keep people in custody up to 30 days.

“It is an unvarnished move for an arbitrary, mass, and permanent purge of the civil service, prosecutors, and judges, and to close down private institutions and associations without evidence, justification, or due process,” HRW said.

“The wording of the decree is vague and open-ended, permitting the firing of any public official conveniently alleged to be ‘in contact’ with members of ‘terrorist organizations’, but with no need for an investigation to offer any evidence in support of it,” Emma Sinclair-Webb said. “The decree can be used to target any opponent – perceived or real – beyond those in the Gülen movement.”

This is the list of 47 journalists targeted for arrest:

Osman Nuri Öztürk, Ali Akbulut, Bülent Keneş, Mehmet Kamış, Hüseyin Döğme, Süleyman Sargın, Veysel Ayhan, Şeref Yılmaz, Mehmet Akif Afşar, Ahmet Metin Sekizkardeş, Alaattin Güner, Faruk Kardıç, Metin Tamer Gökçeoğlu, Faruk Akkan, Mümtaz’er Türköne, Şahin Alpay, Sevgi Akarçeşme, Ali Ünal, Mustafa Ünal, Zeki Önal, Hilmi Yavuz, Ahmet Turan Alkan, Lalezar Sarıibrahimoğlu (Lale Kemal), Ali Bulaç, Bülent Korucu, İhsan Duran Dağı, Nuriye Ural (Akman), Hamit Çiçek, Adil Gülçek, Hamit Bilici, Şenol Kahraman, Melih Kılıç, Nevzat Güner, Mehmet Özdemir, Fevzi Yazıcı, Sedat Yetişkin, Oktay Vızvız, Abdullah Katırcıoğlu, Behçet Akyar, Murat Avcıoğlu, Yüksel Durgut, Zafer Özsoy, Cuma Kaya, Hakan Taşdelen, Osman Nuri Arslan, Ömer Karakaş.

A version of this article was originally posted to Suddeutsche Zeitung. It is published here with permission of the author.


Turkey Uncensored is an Index on Censorship project to publish a series of articles from censored Turkish writers, artists and translators.

Nelson Mandela International Day: Index remembers apartheid-era South Africa

Mandela Day - Ubuntu Festival 15 -18 July 2011

Index  has released a special collection of apartheid-era articles from the Index on Censorship magazine archives to celebrate Nelson Mandela day 2016. Holly Raiborn has selected the collection, tracing the breadth of writing during the apartheid era from authors both in the country and in exile. The articles selected trace the history of this period in South Africa’s history. Significant South African writers, including Nadine Gordimer, Don Mattera, Pieter-Dirk Uys and Desmond Tutu, discuss the impacts this era of oppression had on themselves, their peers and their country. The collection will now form a reading list available to students who are researching the apartheid years, and will be available via Sage Publishing in university libraries.

Before 1948 “apartheid” was just a word in Afrikaans with a simple meaning: separateness. However, over the course of the next 50 years, the word “apartheid” would take on a new level of significance. The connotation of the word grew darker with every dissident banned, prisoner tortured, child left uneducated and home destroyed. Apartheid is no longer just a word; it carries the history of brutality, censorship and maltreatment of South Africans. For a limited period, Index and Sage are making the collection free to non-subscribers.  For those who want to study the history of censorship further,  Index on Censorship magazine’s archives are held at the Bishopsgate Institute in London and are free to visit.


Nadine Gordimer, Apartheid and “The Primary Homeland”
1972; vol. 1, 3-4: pp. 25-29

An address regarding the 1972 plans of the South African government to abolish the right of appeal against decisions brought by the State Publications Control Board, effectively ridding writers of a means to combat the rulings of government-appointed censors. The censorship in South Africa at this time caused a breakdown in communication between “the sections of a people carved up into categories of colour and language.”

Frene Ginwala, The press in South Africa
1973; vol. 2, 3: pp. 27-43

An extensive report on the state of the “free” press in South Africa prepared for the United Nations’ Unit on Apartheid in November 1972. Ginwala posits that apartheid attempts to segregate freedom and this attempt “extinguishes freedom itself”.

Robert Royston, A tiny, unheard voice: The writer in South Africa
1973; vol. 2, 4: pp. 85-88

A personal narrative reflecting the experiences of Robert Royston as a black poet in South Africa during a period of popularity for black poetry amongst white readers. Royston describes a disconnect between the language he speaks and the language understood by the government and white citizens, although they technically share the same tongue.

Jack Slater, South African Boycott: Helping to enforce apartheid?
1975; vol. 4, 4: pp. 32-34

An article by a New York Sunday Times staff writer arguing that the proposed cultural boycott would ultimately negatively affect black South Africans more than white South Africans who were merely irritated. Slater feared black South Africans suffer from feelings of isolation from the outside world because of the cultural boycott.

Benjamin Pogrund, The South African press
1976; vol. 5, 3: pp. 10-16

A discussion regarding the often contradictory aspects of the South African “free” press in which newspapers censor themselves. Strict laws preventing communism, sabotage and terrorism were often twisted to prevent the publications of black viewpoints.

John Laurence, Censorship by skin colour
1977; vol. 6, 2: pp. 40-43

In the UK in the 1970s, news about South Africa was contributed by the white minority while black South Africans were not interviewed by major European news outlets about events predominantly affecting their community such as the Soweto riots. This article discusses the clear racial bias, blaming it for the misinformation and misconceptions in Europe about apartheid-era South Africa.

Brief reports: Bad days in Bedlam
1978; vol. 7, 1: pp. 52-54

A report regarding the glaring health violations within the overwhelmingly black South African mental hospitals that were largely ignored due to racial factors and censorship brought about with the 1959 Prisons Act. This act made reporting “false information” on prisons or prisoners punishable with jail time or fines which led to prison and mental patient camp, conditions being largely neglected in the media.

Robert Birley, End of the road for “Bandwagon”
1978; vol. 7, 2: pp. 6-8

An article about a significant yet short-lived South African journal, Bandwagon, whose purpose was to unite individuals banned under the Suppression of Communism Act. The act featured strictly enforced limits on social life and essentially made any meetings, social or otherwise, illegal for a banned person; therefore, the impact and importance of this publication should not be understated.

William A. Hachten, Black journalists under apartheid
1979; vol. 8, 3: pp. 43-48

Hachten discusses the new found power of being a black journalist (the literacy rate of black South Africans had recently surpassed whites) and the growing hazards of the profession in the late 1970s. Journalists were arrested for reporting the events of the Soweto riots and faced constant police and legislative pressure on top of fines and censorship imposed by the white-controlled newspapers they had no choice but to work for.

Don Mattera, Open Letter to South African whites
1980; vol. 9, 1: pp. 49-50

An address from a banned poet who pointed out the cruelty of white South African society so that they may never claim ignorance to the atrocities. He questions why his words are deemed so dangerous that he is not allowed to attend social gatherings like birthdays and funerals

Nadine Gordimer, The South African censor: No change
1981; vol. 10, 1: pp 4-9

Gordimer hypothesised that the successful appeal of her novel’s banning, and that of many novels by other white writers, was due to the fact that she is white. She argued that South Africa would never be rid of censorship until it was rid of apartheid.

Donald Woods, South Africa: Black editors out
1981; vol. 10, 3: pp. 32-34

Woods wrote about the shift from editors of South African newspapers facing fines for disobeying censorship statutes to jail time in the late 1970s and explained that this shift signalled that dissent and bold writing was permitted in white politics but would not be permitted from black perspectives. He argued that the reason the government did not censor the press entirely was because they enjoyed the façade of a “free press” and there was no reason for them to need full censorship.

Keyan Tomaselli, Siege mentality: A view of film censorship
1981; vol. 10, 4: pp. 35-37

Tomaseli explained that censorship was often as financially driven as it is culturally. He wrote that censorship interferes at three stages, namely during: finance, distribution and through state censorship law. Tomaseli expands on the circumstances that led to many different films being banned or harshly edited.

Mbulelo Vizikhungo Mzamane, No place for the African: South Africa’s education system, meant to bolster apartheid, may destroy it
1981; vol. 10, 5: pp. 7-9

Mzamane claimed that the Bantu Education Act of 1956 was clearly a ploy to create compliant Africans within a society increasingly controlled by Afrikaners. Bantu schools were essentially vocational training for servitude to whites and textbooks were blatant indoctrination, he argued.

Christopher Hope, Visible Jailers: A South African writer casts a humorous eye over the bannings by his country’s censors between 1979 and 1981
1982; vol. 11, 4: pp. 8-10

A clever take on the South African censor. Hope addresses the reasons and methodology of the South African censor with tongue and cheek commentary as he reviews the Publications Appeal Board: Digest of Decisions. This collection is comprised of the totality of decisions made by the South African Publications Appeal Board.

Sipho Sepamla, The price of being a writer
1982; vol. 11, 4: pp. 15-16

Sepamla writes about the struggles of continuing to write under such strict scrutiny by censors after the banning of his latest novel, A Ride on the Whirlwind. He speaks of the disenchantment experienced by any writer that has faced censorship and specifically black South African writers who faced this treatment all too often.

Barry Gilder, Finding new ways to bypass censors: How apartheid affects music in South Africa
1983; vol. 12, 1: pp. 18-22

Music was divided along race and class lines. Music was banned under the Publications Act if it was found to be unsafe to the state, harmful to the relationship between members of any sections of society, blasphemous, or obscene Songs with even symbolic mention of freedom or revolution were banned.

Barney Pityana, Black theology and the struggle for liberation
1983; vol. 12, 5: pp. 29-31

Reverend Pityana wrote of the paradox that Christianity teaches that all are equal under god but the church in South Africa still degraded and segregated. He writes that The Bible teaches that all are created in God’s image and the plight of the Jews and other marginalised groups within the Bible give hope, guidance and reassurance to those suffering under apartheid.

Miriam Tlali, Remove the chains: South African censorship and the black writer
1984; vol. 13, 6: pp. 22-26

Tlali, a black female South African novelist, addresses the added difficulties of being black and a woman in Afrikaner-controlled society. She speaks both from personal experience and about the struggles of her peers.

Johannes Rantete, The third day of September
1985; vol. 14, 3: pp. 37-42

An honest first-hand account of the Soweto riots by a 20-year-old unemployed black South African. Rantete wrote a sympathetic eyewitness report of the September riot and the first reaction of the South African authorities to confiscate and ban it.

Alan Paton, The intimidators
1986; vol. 15, 1: pp. 6-7

The white South African novelist on the intimidation tactics and stalking committed by the security police after his controversial novel, Cry, The Beloved Country, was published. He notes that he suspects his treatment would have been even worse had he been black.

Anthony Hazlitt Heard, How I was fired
1987; vol. 16, 10: pp. 9-12

Former editor of the Cape Times, who was awarded the International Federation of Newspaper Publishers’ Golden Pen of Freedom in 1986, Heard was dismissed from his position after his interview with banned leader of the African National Congress Oliver Tambo. Heard speaks about 16 years of editing under apartheid and the circumstances surrounding his dismissal in August 1987.

Anton Harber, Even bigger scissors
1987; vol. 16, 10: pp. 13-14

‘The importance of international pressure in giving a measure of protection to the South African press cannot be overestimated’ wrote the co-editor of the Johannesburg Weekly Mail in this assessment of Botha’s policy towards the alternative press. Harber offered a compelling plea for protection of the South African alternative press by the international media.

Jo-Anne Collinge, Herbert Mabuza, Glenn Moss and David Niddrie, What the papers don’t say
1988; vol. 17, 3: pp. 27-36

An extensive review of restrictions in South Africa at that time including the Defence Act, Police Act, Prisons Act, Internal Security Act and the Publications Act. The writers offer suggestions for the safety and protection of journalists in the future.

Richard Rive, How the racial situation affects my work
1988; vol. 17, 5: pp 97-98, 103

Rive discusses the racial factors that have contributed to his writing style and the works of any black writer in South Africa. He emphasises the hypocrisy of the society he lives in which will criticise black writers as simplistic but not allow quality education and where the books of black writers sitting in libraries that they are not allowed to enter.

Albie Sachs, The gentle revenge at the end of apartheid
1990; vol. 19, 4: pp. 3-8

Albie Sachs was asked by Index on Censorship to look ahead to constitutional reform that was not foreseeable at that point and how to enshrine freedom of expression in a post-apartheid South Africa. Four months later came the unbanning of the ANC on 2 February, the release of Nelson Mandela on 11 February and his reunion with Oliver Tambo in Sweden on 12 March, all of which promised real change. These are extracts from the conversation about a future South Africa. He offers suggestions for the then-looming transition from apartheid to democracy.

Oliver Tambo, We will be in Pretoria soon
1990; vol. 19, 4: pp. 7

In May 1986 Oliver Tambo, president of the African National Congress, was interviewed by Andrew Graham. The ANC president discussed the beginning of the end for apartheid and traces the lineage of the racism that fuelled the apartheid for nearly 50 years. Tambo optimistically plans for a new reign of government made up of representation that actually reflects the populous.

Nadine Gordimer, Censorship and its aftermath
1990; vol. 19, 7: pp. 14-16

On 11 July 1979, Nadine Gordimer’s novel Burger’s Daughter was banned by the South African directorate of publications on the grounds – among others – that the book was a threat to state security. After an international outcry the director of publications appealed against the decision of his own censorship committee to the publications’ appeal board. In this article, Nadine Gordimer reflects on these events, and on the new censorship policy they heralded. Gordimer reflects on censorship under previous administrations and what she expects from President FW de Klerk’s reign as president.

Nadine Gordimer, Act two: one year later
1995; vol. 24, 3: pp. 114-117

A reflection on how far South Africa had come and still had to go by this frequently banned author. Using the Descartes method, Gordimer considers the role reversal that has occurred in post-apartheid South Africa as her once banned colleagues ascend to political power.

Desmond Tutu, Healing a nation
1996; vol. 25, 5: pp. 38-43

An Index interview with Archbishop Desmond Tutu, Tutu discusses the urgency of healing the past before South Africa can truly move on to a brighter future. This brighter future was to be achieved with the aid of the Truth Commission. He argued that only honesty, compassion and forgiveness would lead to national unity in South Africa, even if that means prosecuting former ANC members. He stresses that the commission’s goal is reparations and not compensation.

Pieter-Dirk Uys, The truth, the whole truth, and nothing but…
1996; v0l. 25, 5: pp. 46-47

Famed satirist Pieter-Dirk Uys questioned if information about the atrocities of the apartheid could actually be uncovered by the Truth Commission. Uys asked how the country could heal when so many willing participants in the apartheid already seemed eager to forget or to forge their own accounts of history to avoid blame. His pessimistic view contrasted with that of Archbishop Desmond Tutu’s.

 

All articles from Index on Censorship magazine, from 1972 to 2016, are available via Sage in most university libraries. More information about subscribing to the magazine in print or digitally here.

Zambezi News: Satire leaves “a lot of ruffled feathers in its wake”

Zambezi News duo 4

One of the great difficulties with satire is that often those who actually get it are those who are already on board with the message. This has been the case for Zambezi News, Zimbabwe’s leading satirical show.

Co-founder Samm Farai Monro, aka Comrade Fatso, says: “An old member of parliament may not understand our show or some of the content will go over their head, but this isn’t our target audience; our aim is reaching young Zimbabweans.”

Zambezi News parodies the Zimbabwe Broadcasting Corporation, “the state-controlled propaganda mouthpiece”, for its uncritical approach to Robert Mugabe’s government. Unsurprisingly, you won’t find the show on Zimbabwean television, and the cast is frequently harassed by state officials.

The show shot its first season in 2011 and self-promoted through independent radio and activists groups. “When we first started the show, we printed thousands of DVDs and distributed them ourselves across the country,” he says. “But now with the advent of social media and people’s access to the internet through mobile phones, we can distribute through Facebook and WhatsApp to get the message out there.”

The snubs by the state clearly haven’t hurt Zambezi News. The show has been viewed by six million Zimbabweans, and the cast have performed in Sweden, South Africa, Swaziland, the USA and with Index on Censorship in London.

Still, given the treatment of critics and dissidents in Zimbabwe, there is no doubt that Monro and his comedy troupe are risking their freedom and even their lives to make some of the hardest hitting satire in Africa. In 2010, artist Owen Maseko exhibited paintings critical of Mugabe, depicting government-led massacres in the country in the 1980s. As it’s against the law to insult the president’s authority, Maseko was arrested, interrogated and faced a possible 20-year prison sentence.

Other critics, such as activist Itai Dzamara, who had told the country’s 92-year-old dictator that he was too old to run the country and was causing Zimbabwe’s economic woes, have been disappeared. Dzamara was abducted in March 2015 never heard from again.

For Zambezi News co-founder Tongai Makawa, aka Outspoken, the danger satirists specifically find themselves in around the world “is a testament to the power of the medium”.

“Satire affords ordinary people an opportunity to connect with a message or conversation in lighter terms outside of the regular intellectual jargon that you find these politicians spouting on a daily basis,” he says. “It allows that engagement to keep flowing without people disconnecting or just feeling depressed or hopeless.”

Satire also has a knack of being able to bend its targets out of shape. “There is a group of government supporters who are really disgruntled by what we do,” says Makawa. “With satire, there has to be a degree to which people agree with you, while at the same time leaving a lot of ruffled feathers in its wake.”

Makawa and Monro have certainly ruffled many feathers, in whatever medium they are working in. Both have backgrounds in spoken word, hip hop and as activists. They run Magamba, “a cultural activist network”, which uses arts and culture in the struggle for social justice in Zimbabwe, and Shoko Festival, Zimbabwe’s “biggest festival of urban culture”.

“Shocko is about creating a space for free expression, debate and giving people a platform to talk about social and political issues, often using the vehicle of hip hop,” says Monro.

Long before his involvement with Zambezi News, Monro’s band Chabvondoka saw their debut album House of Hunger — which mixes hip hop with traditional African music such as Chimurenga to discuss political and social issues — banned from state-controlled radio and TV.

“We released the album two weeks before the presidential elections at the time, and it’s heavily critical of the government,” says Monro. “The symbolism behind the album was a book by Dambudzo Marechera, the great Zimbabwean writer, which talked about how Rhodesia was a house of hunger, but we’ve still got that situation in places.”

An estimated 1.5 million people – 16% of the population – were projected to be food insecure in 2015, a 164% on the previous year. And while the white colonial rulers of the past may be gone, the oppressors have “now been painted black and we still have the same structure of repression in places,” Monro adds.

The repression has also taken the form of an intensified campaign of artistic censorship by the government since the early 2000s, especially against defiant art.

“Hip hop, by its nature, has always been a defiant genre, something that speaks against the status quo and gives an alternative voice to a group of people who don’t have any other means of channelling their feelings,” says Makawa.

Although busy making with comedy — the pair have just toured a new show and have recently begun recording more Zambezi News— Makawa and Monro still have time for the music.

“I’ve grown to understand that we live like those superheroes who have to do admin work by day and their activism by night,” says Makawa. “I still write rhymes and think about concepts for music, so it really doesn’t ever die, it’s there gathering dust until that time when you need it.”

Monro has just completed his second album, which he has been working on for three years, due to be released later this year. He has kept his skills sharp by making hip hop “a big part of Zambezi News”.

“On the show we have these characters called the Even Mo Lil Swaggery Boys, who are like our alter-egos, a gangster rap crew, and on every season of Zambezi News we record a few hip hop tracks that take the piss out of different issues from elections to power shortages,” he says. “It’s just another way of using hip hop and satire to communicate the important political messaging and get dressed in very silly, over-bling outfits at the same time.”

Also read:
Poetic Pilgrimage: Hip hop has the capacity to “galvanise the masses”
– Colombian rapper Shhorai: “Can you imagine a society in which women have no voice?”
– Jason Nichols: Debunking “old tropes” through hip hop


8-9 July: The power of hip hop

powerofhiphop

A conference followed by a day of performance to consider hip hop’s role in revolutionary social, political and economic movements across the world.

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