Attacked on all fronts in the West Bank

This article first appeared in Volume 54, Issue 2 of our print edition of Index on Censorship, titled Land of the Free?: Trump’s war on speech at home and abroad, published on 21 July 2025. Read about the issue here.

When Diala Ayesh was arrested last year, her first thought wasn’t for her own safety – it was whether anyone would inform her loved ones of her whereabouts.

“Even though there was nothing against me, as Palestinians we always expect to leave home and not return,” she told Index.

On 17 January 2024, Ayesh was travelling north from Hebron to Ramallah via public transport when the vehicle was stopped by Israeli forces at Wadi a-Nar – a military checkpoint near Bethlehem. After the border police inspected everyone’s ID cards, a female officer asked: “Who is Diala?”

“I am,” Ayesh answered.

Before anything could happen, Ayesh leaned over and whispered to the woman sitting next to her: “If they take me, tell my family.”

Ayesh was pulled from the vehicle and beaten. The driver’s keys were returned, and they were told to drive on without her.

She was told she was being detained, and the police officer asked her whether she had links to Hamas. “These were ready-made questions with no evidence, as if just being Palestinian is accusation enough,” said Ayesh.

Over the next few hours, she was transferred from one military camp to another. At one point, she was placed in a metal container outdoors in the winter cold for six hours. She was blindfolded with her hands tied behind her back and officers banged on the bars of the cell to scare her. She was eventually transferred to Hasharon prison, where she was strip-searched and left in a “cold, filthy” cell, with no food or water.

The next day, she was transferred to Damon Prison, and placed with other female prisoners. It was the first time she had eaten since her arrest.

“When I was arrested, I felt frozen in time,” she said. “At first, I had emotional numbness, I couldn’t think or feel. That quickly turned into fear. And then, I felt I had to turn that fear into strength. I kept comforting myself, telling myself: ‘I am the strong one’.”

On 25 January 2024, she was issued with a four-month administrative detention order without charge or trial, and she did not appear before a court, aside from what she described as a “sham” court hearing held via video conference. She spent nearly a year in Damon Prison until she was eventually released on 14 January this year.

The human rights lawyer spoke to Index over a Signal video call from her home in Ramallah, intermingling English with Arabic, then later via email with the help of a translation tool. She was warm, relaxed, jovial, dressed in a stripy top and vaping, sat next to her younger sister who helped her translate into English. She spoke openly about her harrowing year in jail.

She endured unbearable conditions which she says had a “significant negative impact” on her mental and physical health. A report from the NGO Euro-Med Monitor has noted how conditions inside Israeli jails have seen an “unprecedented deterioration” since the start of the war in Gaza.

Ayesh said she received little medical care in Damon, despite developing severe stomach pain. After being released, she visited a doctor and needed to have her gall bladder removed.

“[The doctor said] if I had waited one more week, something bad would have happened,” she said.

Alongside facing strip-searches, beatings, solitary confinement and being deprived of family visits, Ayesh said she was denied basic necessities such as sanitary pads. Radios, TVs, games and books were confiscated, and prisoners were prevented from practising religious rituals and had their hijabs taken away.

“These became part of our daily reality. It wasn’t just an attempt to break our bodies but to crush our dignity and humanity.”

Ayesh described a “deliberate and systematic policy of starvation”. Meals consisted mainly of beans, chickpeas, lentils and toast. Boiled eggs were cooked once a week then reheated throughout the week, turning blue and emitting an “unbearable smell”.

But the worst part for her was the intellectual suppression.

“We couldn’t even hold a pen. This was a strategic move to suffocate us intellectually and emotionally – as if the goal was to kill the consciousness within us before anything else.”

Her detention order was renewed several times before her release. Every time, she was tried in a “sham court”, she said, where she would attend virtually via video call. These took place in a military rather than a civilian court – a practice previously described as a “discriminatory” judicial system by Sahar Francis, director of the Palestinian NGO Addameer Prisoner Support and Human Rights Association. Ayesh said parts of the sessions were conducted in secret between the judge and the prosecution, and the decision to extend her detention was based on “secret evidence” that was not shared with her or her lawyer.

I asked her if she ever lost hope. “There’s a saying we often repeat: ‘The prison door never truly closes on anyone’,” she said. “I truly believed that freedom would come, no matter how long it took.”

Her greatest source of anxiety was for her family’s welfare, not her own. Every time her detention neared its end she would get anxious and cry, ready to learn her fate but also wondering whether her family would be waiting for her nervously at a checkpoint.

The other women prisoners were her sole source of comfort, and “became like family” to her. “They did their best to lift my spirits,” she said. “They never left me to face it alone, and that love was my greatest source of strength.”

To date, neither Ayesh nor her lawyers have been given a reason for her year-long detention.

The 29-year-old lawyer has defended political prisoners detained in both Palestinian Authority (PA) and Israeli jails. She won Index’s Freedom of Expression Award for Campaigning last year for her bravery and dedication to free speech.

Ayesh spent nearly a year in Damon Prison in Israel, enduring grim conditions and what she describes as a “deliberate and systematic policy of starvation”. Here, she reunites with her parents after her release in January 2025

She was born in Jerusalem and grew up in Ramallah, where she has lived her whole life. She is the oldest sibling and lives with her parents, three sisters and brother. Her grandparents were displaced during the 1948 Nakba from Jerusalem and Gaza to Ramallah and Al-Bireh in the West Bank.

While she describes her childhood as normal “compared with other Palestinian children”, it was far from ordinary. In 2000, when she was six, the second intifada – a major uprising by Palestinians against Israel – broke out, and Ramallah was at the centre of clashes. Tanks would pass through the streets she played in, the army would frequently come to her home and the sound of explosions were part of everyday life.

“We learned to distinguish between live and rubber bullets, between gas and sound bombs,” she said.

She never consciously decided to become a human rights lawyer – but perhaps her childhood experiences drove her down that career path.

“There’s nothing more painful than witnessing injustice and staying silent,” she said. “I believed my role was not just to practise law but to use it as a tool to confront oppression and restore dignity [to people].”

In her final year of law at Al-Quds University, in Palestine, she attended a court session at Ofer Prison, an Israeli jail housing Palestinian prisoners in the West Bank. She was conscious of the irony that some of the officers she was speaking to “might one day arrest me, or someone close to me”.

In 2018, she started defending political prisoners held in PA prisons in the West Bank, providing them with legal consultations and advice, speaking to their families, documenting their conditions and representing them in court.

Three years later, after her uncle was sent to an Israeli jail, she began work with Palestinian prisoners held in Israeli prisons as well.

Her last visit to an Israeli jail was three days before her own detention, and she has not been able to continue that work since her release due to security restrictions.

Ayesh’s professional work has suffered because of her imprisonment – her family had to shut down her law office and she has been given a travel ban. She has managed to resume some work with detainees in PA jails.

But she has long endured intimidation on all fronts. Before her arrest, she was subjected to threats and harassment from the PA “almost on a daily basis”, she said.

This included online trolling, getting direct threats from people affiliated with the Palestinian security services, receiving warning messages via prisoners, and near-constant surveillance. A Palestinian intelligence agency car would often park outside her home for long periods of time.

“This was clearly meant to send a message: ‘You are being watched’,” she said. Israeli forces would also send her frightening anonymous phone messages.

In July 2021, Ayesh was arrested by the PA during a crackdown on a peaceful protest outside its police headquarters in east Ramallah. She was not attending the protest but was visiting the police station with a group of human rights defenders to advocate for the release of detainees being held there. During her arrest, she said she was sexually and physically assaulted by five police officers, who beat her on her breasts and buttocks.

But she has not been deterred. “These threats did not silence me or stop me – they made me more determined to continue defending human rights. When someone is threatened for their activism, it means they’re hitting a nerve somewhere, and their work is making an impact.”

Indeed, she has much work to do. Since 7 October 2023, repression of free speech has ramped up in the West Bank, and journalists, lawyers and cultural workers have all been increasingly subjected to imprisonment, harassment and attacks.

“Both the occupation and the Palestinian Authority impose tools to control the public sphere and break any dissenting voices,” she said.

Aside from judicial punishment, these include online and physical surveillance, threats to political prisoners’ families, and Israeli authorities increasing travel restrictions or terminating permits for Palestinians working in Israel.

“Many Palestinian people in the West Bank have been arrested or subjected to mistreatment simply for participating in a demonstration or sit-in, or even for writing a simple post on social media,” Ayesh added.

In her final year of studying law at Al-Quds University in Palestine, Ayesh attended a court session at Ofer Prison, an Israeli jail housing Palestinian prisoners in the West Bank. Although she was attending in a professional capacity, she was aware that Israeli officers might one day arrest her

Indeed, after her release, the first case she worked on was a university student who was arrested by the Palestinian security services for attending a sit-in at Al-Manara Square in Ramallah.

Since her release, Ayesh has been brave enough to speak to the media about the mistreatment of prisoners, but has been “filled with internal fear” for doing so.

Many female prisoners released from Israeli jails have been directly threatened and told not to speak to the media, she said.

Last year, the UN called for an end to the “prolonged administrative detention without charge” of human rights defenders in the West Bank by the Israeli authorities.

In July 2024, Mary Lawlor, UN special rapporteur on human rights defenders, drew attention to five individuals who were arrested and detained between October 2023 and March 2024, of which Ayesh was one.

Others included Bassem Tamimi, an organiser of peaceful protests against the illegal occupation of Palestinian lands, and Baraa Odeh, a campaigner for young people’s rights. All five had been arrested without warrants, interrogated without the presence of lawyers, and denied contact with their families.

“Everything has changed since 7 October,” Ayesh said. “Now anyone who opens their mouth will get arrested. Anyone who crosses a checkpoint, they [Israeli authorities] can check your phones; if you share anything about Gaza, Jerusalem or things happening in the West Bank, they can arrest or hurt you. If you are posting [online] for your job as a journalist, they can kill you.”

Since the Hamas attacks on Israel and Israel’s onslaught on Gaza, Ayesh has been impacted in more ways than one. Seven members of her extended family have died, and life in the West Bank has grown arduous, with more military checkpoints, curtailed freedom of movement and increased repression.

Meanwhile, monitoring the abysmal conditions faced by Palestinian political prisoners in Israeli jails has become increasingly difficult, with legal due process suspended and access to lawyers restricted. It was this lack of due process that meant Ayesh herself was stripped of her right to a fair trial during her detention.

For all these reasons, Ayesh believes she cannot give up her work. Continuing to be a lawyer is risky – but when human rights violations are so rampant, she feels she has no other option.

“I can take a rest, but I can’t stop my work. This is the situation [I am in] and after I was released, I told myself that I can still help. I am not afraid.”

She used to regularly attend peaceful marches in Ramallah, but now she is worried about being arrested again. She knows she must be careful – for her clients’ sakes as well as her own.

“I must stay safe to help more people. Out of prison, I can play a great role. In prison, I can do nothing.”

All photos by Diala Ayesh.

The hypocrisy of how Western democracies respond to protest

On Monday 16 September, the United States imposed financial sanctions and visa restrictions on Georgians who they believed to be involved with violent crackdowns on peaceful protests that had occurred in the country’s capital Tbilisi in the spring. The protests were sparked in resistance to the passing of a “foreign agents law”, which shares similarities with an existing law in Russia – raising concerns that the Georgian government is aligning more closely with the Kremlin.

These demonstrations were led by young adults. University students organised and turned out in their thousands, and the majority of protesters on the streets were members of Gen Z. It is commonplace for young people to be vocal about what they believe in, but despite the US supporting the struggle of the youth against their government in Georgia, when it comes to home soil, their commitment to free speech isn’t so steadfast. The US drew condemnation from UN human rights experts regarding the aggressive and harsh measures used by authorities against pro-Palestine protesters on US university campuses – many peaceful demonstrations were met with surveillance and arrests across the country. Further measures are being taken to prevent protests ahead of the 2024/25 academic year, and these have been met with disdain from the American Association of University Professors in a statement made last month.

The USA is far from alone when it comes to recent crackdowns on the right to protest. As Index has previously covered, there have been multiple arrests at both climate protests and pro-Palestine protests in the UK in recent years, and the Conservative government led by Rishi Sunak introduced the much criticised Policing, Crime, Sentencing and Courts Act 2022, the Public Order Act 2023, and Serious Disruption Prevention Orders, all of which significantly inhibit people’s right to protest. This crushing of demonstrations even breached the realms of legality when Suella Braverman was ruled to have passed unlawful anti-protest legislation in 2023. In recent times, the sheer scale of punishment for non-violent protesters in the UK has been brought into the public eye with the sentencing in July of Roger Hallam of Just Stop Oil (JSO) to five years imprisonment, and four other JSO members to four years, for coordinating protests on the M25.

Lotte Leicht, a Danish human rights lawyer who holds the position of advocacy director at Climate Rights International – a monitoring and advocacy organisation that recently put out a statement outlining hypocrisy from western governments regarding climate protests – spoke to Index on this issue, and she believes that the UK is the worst offender.

“The crackdown, and particularly the use of law to sentence non-violent disruption by climate protesters in the UK has stood out as the most severe and most extraordinary measure [from any country]. And one thing that’s very disappointing from our point of view is not to see the new Labour government tackling these draconian laws from the previous government, and taking steps to revoke them,” Leicht said.

She added: “The prevention of UK activists from explaining their motivations for their actions in court, and judges actually preventing them from doing so… As a lawyer, I would say this prevents people from having a fair trial.”

This crackdown on protests has become prevalent in many democracies within ‘the Global North’ in recent years, and examples are not hard to come by. On 11 September, thousands of anti-war protesters in Melbourne, Australia gathered outside a weapons expo, protesting the government’s stance on arms, and the use of such weapons in Gaza. The protests quickly became the subject of great scrutiny when there were violent clashes between Melbourne police and demonstrators, with police allegedly using excessive “riot-type” force, resulting in multiple injuries.

In Germany, pro-Palestine protests have also repeatedly been met with harsh measures, such as bans. The country’s history of anti-Semitism has impacted its attitude towards protests and events that are critical of Israel, causing police to be more heavy handed than in other democracies.

Leicht, who is also the council chairwoman at the European Center for Constitutional and Human Rights (ECCHR), a nonprofit dedicated to enforcing civil and human rights globally, told Index that this increasing anti-protest action from western democracies sets a very worrying precedent.

“This represents a massive deployment of double standards. Because these are the same governments that rightfully stand up for freedom of expression, association and assembly in different corners of the world when authoritarian governments are cracking down horrifically on dissent in their countries,” she said.

“These countries are usually there to say ‘Oh, that’s not good’, and we want them to do that! But by not practising what they preach and undermining these principles at home, they will lose that credibility. In a way, they will provide a green light to authoritarian governments to do the exact same for those that they don’t like. I mean, why not?”

Leicht does, however, believe that a continued struggle against these litigations will not be in vain.

“Protests in the past have also been disruptive, annoying and irritating for those in power — look at the Suffragettes. Now, is that something that we today would say ‘That’s just annoying and irritating’? Many felt so at the time. They were disruptive, they were irritating, they were strong, they were principled – and they were successful. And I think history will tell the same story about courageous climate protesters,” she said.

It is clear that countries positioning themselves as “champions of democracy” must truly allow freedom of expression within their own borders, especially when they set the tone globally. If they continue to infringe upon the rights of people to demonstrate their beliefs and advocate publicly for change, then the future will be silent.

Ntwali’s death is a huge loss for Rwanda’s challenging media landscape

Rwandan journalist John Williams Ntwali – who many believed was the last remaining independent journalist in the country – died last week. He was apparently killed in a road accident in the country’s capital, Kigali, in the early hours of 18 January 2023. He was 43 years old, and leaves behind a wife and child.

It has been reported that a speeding vehicle crashed into the motorcycle he was riding as a passenger. Police spokesman John Bosco Cabera told Reuters that Ntwali was the sole fatality.

Ntwali, who was a leading investigative journalist and editor of the Rwandan-based news publication The Chronicles, was one of the few journalists who was openly critical of Paul Kagame, who became president of Rwanda in 2000. Several journalists and commentators are currently imprisoned under Kagame’s regime.

Ntwali was regularly threatened as a journalist exposing human rights abuses in Rwanda.

“I’m focused on justice, human rights, and advocacy. I know those three areas are risky here in Rwanda, but I’m committed to [them],” he told Al Jazeera. He also spoke about how death threats were common as part of his work.

There were widespread tributes to Ntwali’s death after it was announced.

The Rwanda Journalists Association said: “We are saddened by the death of journalist John Williams Ntwali this week in a road accident. Our condolences go out to his family, the wider media community and friends and relatives. May God rest in peace.”

MP and president of the Democratic Green Party of Rwanda, Frank Habineza, wrote: “It is with great sadness that we share the tragic news of the death of journalist John Williams, who died in an accident. We are patient with his family. God bless you. Our sincere condolences. May his soul rest in eternal glory.”

As the authorities have yet to produce any reports or evidence from Ntwali’s fatal accident, Lewis Mudge, Central African Director at Human Rights Watch, wrote that he not only dared to report about political repression but that “he joins a long list of people who have challenged the government and died in suspicious circumstances.”

The Human Rights Foundation said that his death is considered suspicious as he was in “the regime’s crosshairs for his journalistic work.”

There have also been calls for an independent enquiry into Ntwali’s death, with Ntwali’s family and friends requesting an independent international investigation. Angela Quintal, Africa programme coordinator for the Committee to Protect Journalists, said Ntwali will be mourned and also called for “a transparent, comprehensive, and credible accounting of the circumstances that led to his death.” Index join in these calls for accountability.

Ntwali’s funeral was held in the Gacurabwenge sector of the Kamonyi district, Rwanda, on 22 January 2023.

Rwanda was ranked 136 out of 180 countries in Reporters Without Borders 2022 World Press Freedom Index. According to the organisation, media owners must pledge allegiance to the government, and methods such as espionage, surveillance, arrest and forced disappearance is used in the county to prevent journalists from working freely. It also says that arbitrary arrests and detention of journalists have increased in recent years.

Ntwali’s death comes one year ahead of Rwanda going to the polls. Last summer Kagame said that he planned to run again in 2024, seeking his fourth term in office.

“I would consider running for another 20 years. I have no problem with that. Elections are about people choosing,” he told France 24. In 2017, Kagame reportedly won 99% of the vote, leading to cries of foul-play. Whether Ntwali’s death was suspicious or not, his death leaves a huge hole in Rwanda’s media landscape. Who is now left to speak out against Kagame?

Contents – The beautiful game? Qatar, football and freedom

The autumn issue of Index takes as its central theme the FIFA World Cup that will take place in Qatar in November and December 2022.

A country where human rights are constantly under threat, Qatar is under the spotlight and many are calling for a boycott of the tournament.

Index spoke to journalists, human rights activists and philosophers for the latest issue to understand their view on the tangled relationship between football and human rights. Is football really the beautiful game?

Upfront

The Qatar conundrum, by Jemimah Steinfeld: The World Cup is throwing up questions.

The Index, by Mark Frary: The latest in the world of freedom of expression, with internet shutdowns and Salman Rushdie’s attack in the spotlight. Plus George M Johnson on being banned.

Features

An unholy war on speech, by Sarah Myers: A woman sits on death row in Pakistan. Her crime? Saying she was a prophet.

Perfecting the art of oppression, by Martha Otwinowski: Poland’s art scene is the latest victim of nasty politics.

Poland’s redemption songs, by Martin Bright: In anti-apartheid solidarity, reggae rode with revolution in Europe.

Fighting back against vendetta politics, by Hanan Zaffar and Hamaad Habibullah: In India, tackling fake news can land you in a cell.

The mafia state that is putty in Putin’s hands, by Mark Seacombe: The truth behind the spread of pro-Russian propaganda in Bulgaria.

Bodies of evidence, by Sarah Sands: A new frontier of journalism with echoes of a crime scene investigator.

Chasing after rights, by Ben Rogers: The activist on being followed by Chinese police.

The double closet, by Flo Marks: Exploring the rampant biphobia that pushes many to silence their sexuality.

Is there a (real) doctor in the house? By John Lloyd: One journalist uncovers the secret of Romania’s doctored doctorates.

The mice hear the words of the night, by Jihyun Park: A schooling in free expression, where the classroom is North Korea.

The most dangerous man in Guantanamo, by Katie Dancey-Downs: After years in Guantanamo, a journalist dedicates himself to protecting others.

America’s coolest members club, by Olivia Sklenka: Meet the people fighting against the surge in book bans.

Special report: The beautiful game?

Victim of its own success? By Simon Barnes: Blame the populists, not the game.

Stadiums built on suffering, by Abdullah Al-Maliki: Underneath the suds of Qatar’s sportswashing, fear and terror remain.

Football’s leaving home, by Katie Dancey-Downs: Khalida Popal put women on the pitch in Afghanistan, before leading their evacuation.

Exposing Saudi’s nasty tactics, by Adam Crafton: A sports journalist is forced into defence after tackling Saudi Arabia’s homophobia.

It’s foul play in Kashmir, by Bilal Ahmad Pandow: Protest and politically motivated matches are entwined in Kashmir’s football history.

How ‘industrial football’ was used to silence protests, by Kaya Genç: Political football: how to bend it like Erdoğan.

Xi’s real China dream, by Jonathan Sullivan: While freedoms are squeezed, China’s leader has a World Cup-sized dream.

Tackling Israel’s thorny politics, by Daniella Peled: Can Palestinians de-facto national team carve out a space for free expression?

The stench of white elephants, by Jamil Chade: Brazil’s World Cup swung open Pandora’s Box.

The real game is politics, by Issa Sikiti da Silva: Is politics welcome on the pitch in Kenya?

Comment

Refereeing rights, by Julian Baggini: Why we shouldn’t expect footballers to hand out human rights red cards.

The other half, by Permi Jhooti: The real-life inspiration behind Bend it like Beckham holds up a mirror to her experience.

We don’t like it – no one cares, by Mark Glanville: English football has moved away from listening to its fans argues this Millwall supporter.

Much ado about critics, by Lyn Gardner: A theatre objects to an offensive Legally Blonde review.

On reputation laundering, by Ruth Smeeth: Beware those who want to control their own narrative.

Culture

The soul of Sudan, by Stella Gaitano and Katie Dancey-Downs: What does it mean for deep-running connections when you’re forced to leave? Censored writer Stella Gaitano introduces a new translation of her work.

Moving the goalposts, by Kaya Genç and Guilherme Osinski: Football and politics are a match made in Turkey. Kaya Genç fictionalises an unforgettable game.

Away from the satanic, by Malise Ruthven: A leading expert on Salman Rushdie writes about an emerging liberalism in Islamic discourse.

SUPPORT INDEX'S WORK